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Buta Kola
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{{Short description|Ritual folk dance and divination from India}}{{Use dmy dates|date=March 2020|cs1-dates=y}}{{Use Indian English|date=February 2017}}File:Dancer's Headpiece in the Form of a Panjurli Bhuta (boar spirit deity) LACMA M.2005.49a-b (2 of 3).jpg|thumb|Dancer's headpiece in the form of Panjurli (boar face deity), LACMALACMA{{Tulu transliteration}}BÅ«ta KÅlÄ,/buËt̪Ê/ is the local pronunciation while the standardised Sanskrit+Tulu pronunciation is (Help:IPA/Kannada|/bʱuËtÌªÊ koËlÉË/) also referred to as Daiva KÅlÄ or Daiva NÄmÄ, is a shamanistic dance performance prevalent among the Hindus of Tulu Nadu and parts of Malenadu of Karnataka and Kasargod in northern Kerala, India. The dance is highly stylized and performed as part of 'Bhootaradhane' or worship of the local deities worshipped by the Tulu speaking population. It has influenced Yakshagana folk theatre.WEB,weblink Bhootha Aradhane, Government of Karnataka, BÅ«ta kÅlÄ is closely related to Theyyam of North Malabar region.- the content below is remote from Wikipedia
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List of Daivas
Koragajja: The most worshipped Daiva (Spirit) by the Tulu people and is prayed to for help in solving any problem, to get back something lost, or to get any work done on time.NEWS, Ananda, Manisha, 14 November 2022, Koragajja Story: Do you know anything about the God of Tulunad, Swami Koragajja..?,weblink Vijay Karnataka, 29 December 2022, File:Panjurli- The Wild Boar.. Worship of Nature God.jpg|thumb|Panjurli, a Boar face DeityDeityPanjurli: A boar spirit that is worshipped to ward off the menace of wild boars in order to protect the crops.BOOK, S. Jayashanker,weblink Temples of Kasaragod District, Controller of Publications, 2001, 30, According to Tulu mythology, a wild boar died in Lord Shiva's celestial garden. The boar's offspring was adopted by Goddess Parvati. The young boar became destructive as he grew older and began destroying the plants and trees in Lord Shiva's garden. Lord Shiva became upset by this and decided to kill him. Goddess Parvati, however, defended the boar and asked her husband to pardon him. So instead of killing him, Lord Shiva banished the boar to Earth as his gana and tasked him with protecting the people of Earth and assured him that he will be revered by the people as a protector god. This particular boar became a Bhoota (Divine Spirit) known as Panjurli.NEWS, Sadhwani, Bhavya, 14 December 2022, Now That Kantara Has Released On OTT, Here Are Answers To All The Questions You Might Have,weblink India Times, 29 December 2022, But some people syncretise Panjurli with Varaha, the boar incarnation of Lord Vishnu, since the two deities are boars. He's also a Rudransh because of it he is also known as Shiva Shambhootha Or one who has the powers of Mahadev. Panjurli Daiva is also the one of the earliest daivas who is worshipped in all over Tulunad his earliest worship dates back to 700 BCE-800 BCE along with Bermer Daiva (Brahma). The idea behind the worship of Panjurli is that wild boars destroyed crops and thus, farmers started worshipping a boar king who was known as Panjurli and in return they believe that panjurli protects the crops. Bobbarya: The God of the seas, is worshipped mostly by members of the fishing community.BOOK, U. Padmanabha Upadhyaya,weblink Bhuta Worship, Regional Resources Centre for Folk Performing Arts, M.G.M. College, 1984, 60, Kalkuda and Kallurti: They are Daivas who are brother and sister. According to legend, Kalkuda was a great sculptor who built the Gommateshwara statue in Karkala. After he completed building beautiful temples and monumental statues, the ruler of Karkala cut off his left arm and right leg so that he could not create such beautiful sculptures for any other king. On seeing her brother's state, Kallurti vowed to take revenge and requested Lord Shiva to turn them into deities. Shiva agreed and the pair then took violent revenge on the king, his family, and his kingdom. Their destruction was only stopped when a master magician promised them that they would be worshipped as and how they wanted.BOOK, Heidrun Brückner,weblink On an Auspicious Day, at Dawn -: Studies in Tulu Culture and Oral Literature, Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2009, 9783447059169, 60, (File:Mookambi Guliga 02.jpg|thumb|Guliga Daiva at Bhootaradhane Ceremony.)Guliga: As per legend, he was born out of a stone. The Goddess Parvati discovered this stone in a pile of ash. Guliga was created when Lord Shiva flung this ash into the water and was sent to Lord Vishnu after his birth so that he may serve him.However, Guliga was extremely destructive and this greatly annoyed Lord Vishnu. Lord Vishnu exiled Guliga to Earth as a result and tasked him with protecting the people on Earth.KÅá¹i Cennayya, are twin heroes who are worshipped as martial Gods.BOOK, K. S. Singh,weblink Karnataka, Part 1, Anthropological Survey of India, 2003, 9788185938981, 111,Etymology and History
The word is derived from bÅ«ta (Tulu for âspiritâ, âdeityâ; in turn derived from Sanskrit à¤à¥à¤¤ for âfree elementsâ, 'which is purified', 'fit', 'proper', âtrueâ, 'past', 'creatures'; Anglicized: âbhÅ«taâ, âbhootaâ, âboothaâ) and kÅla (Tulu for âplay, performance, festivalâ, or 'shape/form').A bhÅ«ta kÅlÄ or nÄmÄ is typically an annual ritual performance where local spirits or deities (bhÅ«tas, daivas) are being channelised by ritual specialists from certain scheduled castes such as the Nalike, Pambada, or Parawa communities. The bhÅ«ta cult is prevalent among the Tuluvas of Tulu Nadu region.JOURNAL, Brückner, Heidrun, 1987, Bhuta Worship in Coastal Karnataka: An Oral Tulu Myth and Festival Ritual of Jumadi, Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik, 13/14, 17â37, JOURNAL, Brückner, Heidrun, 1992, Dhumavati-Bhuta" An Oral Tulu-Text Collected in the 19th Century. Edition, Translation, and Analysis., Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik, 13/14, 13â63, BOOK, Fürstliche Fest: Text und Rituale der Tuḷu-Volksreligion an der Westküste Südindiens., Brückner, Heidrun, Harrassowitz, 1995, Wiesbaden, 199â201, BOOK, On an Auspicious Day, at Dawn ... Studies in Tulu Culture and Oral Literature, Brückner, Heidrun, Harrassowitz, 2009a, Wiesbaden, BOOK, "Der Gesang von der Büffelgottheit" in Wenn Masken Tanzen â Rituelles Theater und Bronzekunst aus Südindien edited by Johannes Beltz, Brückner, Heidrun, Rietberg Museum, 2009b, Zürich, 57â64, The word kÅla is conventionally reserved for the worship of a single spirit whereas a nÄma involves the channelising of several spirits in hierarchical order.BOOK, Behind the Text. Performance and Ideology in a Tulu Oral Tradition. In Oral Epics in India edited by Stuart H. Blackburn, Peter J. Claus, Joyce B. Flueckiger and Susan S. Wadley, Claus, Peter, University of California Press, 1989, Berkeley, 64, In kÅlas and nÄmas family and village disputes are referred to the spirit for mediation and adjudication.BOOK, Behind the Text. Performance and Ideology in a Tulu Oral Tradition. In Oral Epics in India edited by Stuart H. Blackburn, Peter J. Claus, Joyce B. Flueckiger and Susan S. Wadley, Claus, Peter, University of California Press, 1989, Berkeley, 67, In feudal times, the justice aspect of the ritual included matters of political justice, such as the legitimation of political authority, as well as aspects of distributive justice. The produce of land directly owned by the bÅ«ta (commons) as well as certain contributions from the leading manors was redistributed among the villagers.JOURNAL, Ishii, Miho, 2015, Wild Sacredness and the Poiesis of Transactional Networks: Relational Divinity and Spirit Possession in the BÅ«ta Ritual of South India., Asian Ethnology, 74, 1, 101â102, 10.18874/ae.74.1.05, free, The history of Bhuta Kola is unknown but some scholars suppose that this tradition was probably originated during 700 BCE by the migration of early tulu tribes introducing the worship of Bermer (Brahma), Panjurli (the boar spirit) and other spirits although Bhuta Kola is a modified form of prehistoric religious rituals. The earliest inscription of Bhuta Kola was from 14th century from Barkuru which mentions about an individual bhuta named kundodara demands a sacrifice from a king who wants to deport his ship in sea.Types of BhÅ«ta Worship
The BhÅ«ta worship of South Canara is of four kinds, kÅla, bandi, nÄma, and agelu-tambila.
KÅla: Demi god dancing, is offered to the BhÅ«tas in the sthana of the village believed that which they are supposed to reside.
Bandi: Bandi is the same as kÅla, with the addition of dragging about a chariot, on which the one who is representing the BhÅ«ta is seated; most often, he is from the nalke, pambada or ajala communities.
NÄma: NÄma is a private ceremony in honour of the BhÅ«tas, held in the house of anyone who is so inclined. It is performed once in every year, two, ten, fifteen, or twenty years by well-to-do families.
Agelu-tambila: is a kind of worship offered only to the family people, wherein rice, dishes, meat, alcohol are served on plantain leaves and offered to spirits, deities, departed forefathers annually or once wishes are completed.BOOK,weblink Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Edgar, Thurston, Nalke, 9 October 1909, Government Press, Wikisource,
Performance
The ritual performance at a bÅ«ta kÅla or daiva nÄma involves music, dance, recital, and elaborate costumes. Recitals in Old Tulu recount the origins of the deity and tell the story of how it came to the present location. These epics are known as pÄá¸danas.JOURNAL, Claus, Peter J., 1978, Heroes and Heroines in the Conceptual Framework of Tulu Culture, Journal of Indian Folkloristics, 1, 2, 28â42,Types of daivas
Thurston counts among the best known deities "Brahmeru, Kodamanitaya, Kukkintaya, Jumadi, Sarala Jumadi, Pancha Jumadi, Lekkesiri, Panjurli (a divine boarBOOK, Pinto, M., Fisticuff of the Souls: The Deliverance, Partridge Publishing India, 2017, 978-1-5437-0045-9,weblink 29 October 2022, ), Kuppe Panjurli, Rakta Panjurli, Jarandaya, Urundarayya, HosadÄvata (or Hosa BhÅ«ta or Posa appe), DÄvanajiri, Kalkuá¸a, Tukkateri, Guliga, Babbariya (or BobbarÄyÄ), Neecha, Duggalaya, Mahisandaya, Varte, Koragajja, ChÄmundi, Baiderukulu, Ukkatiri, Kallurti, Shiraadi, Ullalthi, Okkuballala, Korddabbu, Ullaya, Korathi, Siri, Mantradevathe,Sathya Devathe, Rakteshwari, Istadevathe and Odityay.BOOK, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. V., Thurston, Edgar, Rangachari, K., Government Press, 1909, Madras, 148, The BhÅ«tas are supposed to belong to different castes. For example Okkuballala and DÄvanajiri are Jains, Kodamanitaya and Kukkinataya are Bunts, Kalkuá¸a is a smith, Bobbariya is a MÄppilla, and Nicha a Koraga." Some of them are ancestral spirits such as Bobbariya, Kalkuá¸a, Kallurti, Siri, KumÄr Koti and Chennayya. Some are deified wild animals such as the boar - ' (the female counterpart is ') or the tiger - .Some bÅ«tas are Androgynous such as some instances of Jumadi who is represented as female below the neck (breasts), but with a male head sporting a mustache. There are anthropomorphic bÅ«tas, zoomorphic ones, and mixed forms (such as the MalarÄya of Kodlamogaru, Kasargod, who has the head of a wild boar and the body of a woman).Depending on the significance of the people who worship them, ' or ' can be family deities ('), local or village deities (', '), or deities associated with administrative units such as manorial estates ('), groups of estates ('), districts (') or even small kingdoms (royal bÅ«tas or rÄjandaivÄs).Cosmology
According to the ethnographer Peter Claus, the Tulu reveal a cosmology which is distinctly Dravidian and thus different from the Puranic Hindu cosmology. Importantly, priesthood is not the preserve of a caste learned in scriptures but is shared between the ruling aristocracy on one hand and ritual specialists from the lower strata of society on the other hand. The world is divided in two three realms: firstly, the realm of cultivated lands (), secondly the realm of wastelands and forests (/), and thirdly the realm of spirits (). GrÄmya and / form part of the tangible world, whereas is their intangible counterpart. As grÄmya is constantly threatened by encroachment, disease, hunger and death form and , so is the tangible world under constant threat from the intangible world of the spirits. The world of the forest is the "world of the wild, unordered, uncontrolled, hungry beings of destruction".JOURNAL, Claus, Peter J., 1978, Oral Traditions, Royal Cults and Material for the Reconsideration of the Caste System in South India, Journal of Indian Folkloristics, 1, 1, 1â39, The world of the forest and the world of the spirits are therefore seen as mirror images of each other. The wild animals threatening the human cultivator and his fields such as the tiger, the snake, the wild-boar, and the gaur, find their mirror images in their corresponding bÅ«tas Pilli, Naga, PaÅjurli and Maisandaya.The relationship between these three worlds is one of balance and moral order. If this order is upset by the humans, it is believed that the spirits become vicious. If the order is maintained, the spirits are believed to be supportive and benevolent. Thus, the spirits of Tulu culture are neither "good" nor "bad" as such; they are "neither cruel nor capricious. They methodically and persistently remind a lax humanity of the need for morality and the value of solidarity".JOURNAL, Claus, Peter J., 1973, Possession, Protection and Punishment as Attributes of the Deities in a South Indian Village., Man in India, 53, 3, 231â242, Nobody is believed to be above the moral and cosmological norms of this threefold universe, not even the spirits or the gods. Thus the bÅ«tas are not whimsical or arbitrary in their judgement. The bÅ«tas are their patron's protectors with regard to a system of moral norms, not despite them.Feudal relations of tribute and fealty mark the relations among the humans in the tangible world, among spirits in the intangible world and between humans and spirits across tangible and intangible worlds. While the world of humans is ruled by a mortal king, the world of the spirits is ruled by Bermeru, the lord of the forest and of the bÅ«tas. And just as the landed aristocracy depended on protection and support from their king, the world of humans depends on protection and support from the spirits. Thus once in a year at the time of kÅla or nÄma, the lord of the human world (patriarch, landlord, king) has to be reconfirmed in his authority by reporting to the spirit to which he is accountable. While the temporal lord's authority is dependent on the spirit; the authority of the spirit is guaranteed by the active participation of the villagers in the ritual. Thereby a certain degree of political legitimacy is upheld by the active participation of the villagers. Their withdrawal from the ritual can seriously affect the authority of the landlord.JOURNAL, Carrin, Marine, Tambs-Lyche, Harald, Harald Tambs-Lyche, 2003, 'You don't joke with these fellows.' Power and Ritual in South Canara, India., Social Anthropology, 11, 1, 23â42, 10.1017/S0964028203000028, As Claus observes, the principal mediators in this network of feudal transactions are communities who once upon a time may have led a liminal life between and /.JOURNAL, Claus, Peter J., 1979, Spirit Possession and Spirit Mediumship from the Perspective of Tulu Oral Traditions, Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 3, 1, 29â52, 10.1007/BF00114691, 498800, 13641314, Tribal communities living in and off the forest and trading in forest products were predestined to serve as spirit impersonators as their life world, the forest, is only the tangible side of the world of the spirits. In pursuit of their livelihood they regularly transgress structural boundaries between village and forest. They live on the margins of the village, in the wasteland between forest and field, thus they are themselves, in a sense, liminal. That such liminal people should be mediums for the spirits seems entirely apt. Today communities like Nalike, Parava or Pambada who impersonate different kinds of ' and ' can no longer be characterised as tribal. They are mostly landless agricultural labourers in the wet season and spirit impersonators in the dry season.Worship
(File:Kantheri Dhumavathi 01.jpg|thumb|The temple of the deity Jumadi in Mangalore, India)Today feudal relations no longer obtain and thus former ruling families no longer hold any political or judicial office. But still the village demands that they sponsor their annual kÅla or nÄma to honour the village deity. The people believe that the neglect of the spirits will make their life miserable. Even though they may have changed, bÅ«ta kÅla and daiva nÄma still serve secular as well as religious purposes. In fact the two cannot be separated in a world where the tangible is suffused with the intangible. As the cosmology underlying the pÄá¸danas suggests, the very order of the human world and the order of the spirit world are interdependent.BÅ«tas and daivas are not worshipped on a daily basis like mainstream Hindu gods. Their worship is restricted to annual ritual festivals, though daily pÅ«jÄs may be conducted for the ritual objects, ornaments, and other paraphernalia of the bÅ«ta.JOURNAL, Suzuki, Masataka, 2008, BhÅ«ta and Daiva: Changing Cosmology of Rituals and Narratives in Karnataka., Senri Ethnological Studies, 71, 51â85, BOOK, "Kin Songs." In Gender, Genre, and Power in South Asian Expressive Traditions edited by Arjun Appadurai, Frank K. Korom and Margaret A. Mills, Claus, Peter James, Motilal, 1991a, Delhi, 136â177, Unlike with the better-known Hindu gods of the purÄá¹ic variety, bÅ«ta worship is congregational.Secular function
The secular function of the kÅla or nÄma has been described as a "sacred court of justice" where traditional (feudal) moral ideals are brought to bear on difficult real-life situations. BÅ«ta kÅlas and daiva nÄmas are assemblies of the entire village. Thus they become an occasion to resolve conflicts in the village. The royal daiva (rÄjan-daiva) rules over a former small kingdom or large feudal estate. He or she is mostly the family deity of rich land-owning patrons of the Baá¹á¹ caste whose position and power they reflect, confirm and renew. The relationship between the bÅ«tas, manor heads, and the villagers forms a transactional network which reaffirms the caste hierarchy and power relations in a village. The duty assigned to every category is differential but based on mutuality. The manor head by staging the nÄma seeks to symbolically proclaim himself to be the natural leader of the community.The villagers offer sÄva during the nÄma in the form of service and prostrations and in doing so also offer their support to the nÄma and their recognition of the leader's status. In return, the villagers expect justice and resolution of disputes by the daiva during the nÄma. In the nÄma, the leading manors offer a part of their farm products to the daiva, which are then redistributed to the villagers. The nÄma thereby underlines the mutuality on which feudal relations used to be based and, in a limited way, takes care of the problem of social (distributive) justice. The bÅ«tas receive these offerings and in return give oracles and blessings to ensure the future prosperity of the village (humans, animals, fields). Finally, a part of these offerings will be distributed as prasÄda among the heads of the guá¹á¹us and other villagers according to their ranks. The system of entitlements is constituted in, or embodied by, the mutual gifting activity between the bÅ«tas, as the ultimate owner of the land, and people in rituals, creating a transactional network among them.Ritual script
The script of the ritual changes from one nÄmÄ to another, thus the following description is somewhat ideal-typical. The ritual begins with the paraphernalia of the bÅ«ta being brought to the shrine which serves as a venue for the festival. They are placed on an altar or on a swinging cot, which is the insignium of a royal bÅ«ta (rajan-daiva). The Nalike, Parava or Pambada medium prepares for the impersonation of the spirit with a recital of from the pÄá¸dana of the bÅ«ta or daiva. After this, the medium starts putting on make-up and dressing up in his costume which may include an elaborate ani (a giant halo stringed to the back of the dancer). Finally, the medium is given the ornaments from the hoard of the shrine. As he enters the arena, the attendant of the spirit (pÄtri) gives him his sword, his bell and other paraphernalia and the patron (jajmÄn) gives him one or several burning torches. As the medium begins to dance, the spirit enters his body. Two people hold the torches along with the medium at all times. Thus, the entrance of spirit into this world is restrained. The medium's dance gains more force as the possession continues. He brings the torches dangerously close to his body. The jajmÄn now stands in a ritualistic circle on the ground with his assistants and offerings are made to the bÅ«ta. These offerings often include the sacrifice of a chicken whose blood is sprinkled on the ground to enhance the fertility of the land. These sacrificial acts are followed by offerings of puffed rice, beaten rice, coconut pieces, bananas, ghee, betel leaf, and areca nut.BOOK, "Gods Going Wild? Enacting Loss of Control in Tulu Possession Rituals: A Photographic Case Study" in Emotions in Rituals and Performances edited by Axel Michaels and Christoph Wulf, Brückner, Heidrun, Routledge, 2012, New Delhi, 214â233, In the subsequent court of justice the spirit is approached by the villagers for blessings or asked to help resolve conflicts. The judicial program typically starts once the initial rituals are finished. Complaints and judgements are made orally. The bÅ«ta issues the judgement after hearing the sides of the plaintiff as well as the defendant, if both are present. The bÅ«ta's justice must be referrable to general principles. "He may take a stand, he cannot take sides". While the bÅ«ta may take the opinions of the village headman and other eminent persons into consideration, the ultimate judgement rests with the bÅ«ta. Sometimes judgements are also issued by the tossing of betel leaves and the counting of flower petals (usually areca flower). Particularly difficult cases may also be adjourned to the next year by the bÅ«ta. Some common disputes that come up are related to land issues, family feuds, questions of honour, robbery, debt, mortgage, breach of contract etc. In cases of theft where the offender is unknown, the bÅ«ta may ask for a certain offering before finding the thief. At times the victim offers the entire value of the stolen goods to the bÅ«ta. If the thief is found and penalised, the person is made to pay to the plaintiff a sum that is more than the value of the goods stolen. If the bÅ«ta feels that the thief shows repentance, the gravity of the penalty could be reduced.BOOK, "Judicial Aspects of Bhuta Cult." In Coastal Karnataka. Studies in Folkloristic and Linguistic Traditions of Dakshina Kannada Region of the Western Coast of India edited by U. P. Upadhyaya, Someshwar, Amrta, M. G. M. College Regional Research Centre, 1986, Udupi, 301â318,Channel/Medium
(File:Castes and tribes of southern India. Assisted by K. Rangachari (1909) (14587481627).jpg|thumb|Buta Kola dancer from the Parava caste. {{circa|1909}})The art of being a channel/medium is learned. Young boys belonging to the Pambada, Parava, Nalike castes attend rituals where their kin is performing; and they help out with shredding the coconut leaves for the garment of the channel/medium, holding the mirror while the channel/medium is putting on the make up etc. They learn the art of the performance by observing the performance of their kin and trying to mimic it.JOURNAL, Ishii, Miho, 2013, Playing with Perspectives: Spirit Possession, Mimesis, and Permeability in the Buuta Ritual in South India., Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 19, 4, 795â812, 10.1111/1467-9655.12065, Along with being able to mimic the way their kin performed, what is essential to be a successful channel/medium is also the aptitude of being possessed by the deity. There are certain rules the channel/medium needs to follow to prepare his body for the possession. This may include being a vegetarian and not drinking alcohol. The channel/medium feels the sudden spirit possession only for a few seconds but after that he is filled with the deity's energy that lets him behave as the deity for the entire ritual.There are two types of mediators between the spirits and the humans. The first type of mediator is known as the pÄtri. These are members of middle castes such as Billava (toddy tappers, formerly also bow-men). The second type of mediator ("channels/mediums") typically belong to scheduled castes such as Pambada, Parava or Nalike. While the pÄtri has only a sword and a bell as ritual tools, the channel/medium uses makeup, ornaments, masks etc. Both mediums are believed to channelise the deity from an altered state of consciousness. But while the channel/medium may speak as the bÅ«ta (in the first person) and about the bÅ«ta (in the third person, i.e. when he recounts his/her pÄá¸dana), the pÄtri only speaks as the bÅ«ta in the first person.PÄrdana
PÄá¸danas are songs that form a major part of Tuluva oral literature. Much of the body of this literature has been built on the legends of the bÅ«tas and daivas. PÄá¸danas have numerous variations for the same narrative. As in other epic traditions, there is no single author. PÄá¸danas are orally transmitted and recited. The language of the pÄá¸danas is old Tulu. Some famous examples are the Siri-Kumar PÄá¸danas and the Koti and Chennayya PÄá¸danas. The pÄá¸danas sung by women while planting paddy are referred to as "field songs".BOOK, "Translating Performance." In Coastal Karnataka. Studies in Folkloristic and Linguistic Traditions of Dakshina Kannada Region of the Western Coast of India edited by U. P. Upadhyaya, Claus, Peter J., M. G. M. College Regional Research Centre, 1986, Udupi, 147â154, The pÄá¸danas recite the origins of the spirits and deities. This is one way for the rituals to reconstruct the past and render a legitimization to it. The singers act as the indigenous narrators of the history of the native land. The pÄá¸danas also stand in opposition to the puranic, male based principles as they highlight the feminine principles of mother earth. The pÄá¸danas also reflect multi-socio-cultural background shifts (for example, the move from Matrilineal system to Patrilineal system). The older sense of cosmology is retained through the pÄá¸danas.In popular culture
- The 1975 Kannada movie Chomana Dudi was the first movie to have a reference to the demi-god Panjurli.Facebook post {{user generated source|date=March 2023}}
- Koti Chennaya, a 2007 movie made in Tulu which went to win the Best Tulu Film at the 54th National Film Awards.
- Deyi Baidethi, a 2019 Tulu-language historical film on the life of Deyi Baideti, mother of Koti and Chennayya.
- The 2022 Kannada film Kantara showcases the portrayal of Buta Kola in its main storyline.WEB, what is bhoota kola the Tulu tradition,weblink 2022-10-20, www.dailyo.in, As a result of the movie, the Government of Karnataka introduced a monthly allowance for performers of Buta Kola who are over 60 years of age.WEB, Kantara, a film with impact: Karnataka Government announces monthly allowance for Daiva Narthakas, MSN, 20 October 2022,weblink 20 October 2022,
Gallery
File:Daiva.JPG|Channel/medium with the makeup of Jumadi, a popular deity of the BÅ«ta/Bhoota cultFile:Sanoor Bhootada Kola.jpg|Channel/medium of Koti and Chennayya preparing himself with the makeup and tying the ornaments before the start of the BhÅ«ta KÅlÄ ceremonyFile:Sirikattuna.jpg|Channel/medium tying the siri â palm leaves skirt around his waistFile:Daivasaana.jpg|Household shrine of BellÄ BadagumanÄ, Belle, UdupiFile:Kallurti.JPG|Kallurti Bhoota, the female counterpart of Kalkuda Bhoota who is a deified spirit of a sculptorFile:Koti & Channaya 1.JPG|Koti and Chennayya two heroes of the Billava communityFile:Giliga 2.JPG|Channel/medium of the wild deity GuligÄFile:Malaraya 1.JPG|MalarÄya DaivÄ, Kasargod, KeralaFile:Malaraya 2.JPG|MalarÄyÄ's MaskFile:Malaraya 3.JPG|MalarÄya Daiva on white boar chariotFile:Malaraya 4.JPG|Channel/medium of MalarÄyÄFile:Koyyuru Ullathi.jpg|Channel/medium of UllÄlthi, the patron deity of the Banga Arasa princely familyFile:Bobbarya Swami.jpg|Channel/medium of BobbarÄyÄ SwÄmi, the patron deity of the Mogaveera communityFile:Ani - this is the tulunadu (karnataka, India) Bhutaradhane - Bhuta ware the ani..JPG|This Halo like object is used by the channel/medium while performing the ritual dance.See also
Notes
{{reflist|group=note}}References
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