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Kadashman-Turgu
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- the content below is remote from Wikipedia
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Relations with Assyria
Early in his reign, he brokered a treaty with the Assyrian king Adad-NÄ«rÄri, preserved on a fragmentary clay tabletTablet VAT 15420. where the phrase âhe pardoned his son of the crimeâFragment VAT 14400 copy of VAT 15420: mar-Å¡u i-na hi-ti u-zak-ki, âhe pardoned his son for the crime.â appears twice. KadaÅ¡man-Turguâs father, Nazi-MaruttaÅ¡ had been engaged in a protracted war with both Adad-NÄ«rÄri and his father Arik-den-ili which had reached its dénouement in a battle at "KÄr-IÅ¡tar of Ugarsallu".Synchronistic Chronicle (ABC 21) tablet C, column 1, lines 24 to 31 This settlement perhaps explains why there were no reports of any conflict between the Babylonians and Assyrians during this time. It also freed the Assyrians to turn their attention to conquering their westerly neighbor and former overlord the Mitanni.The Hittite succession
He would no doubt have been aware of the Battle of Kadesh, in 1274, the dramatic climax of the Hittite conflict with Egypt and probably the largest chariot battle ever fought. The Hittite king Muwatalli II died around 1272 and was succeeded by his son, Urḫi-TeÅ¡Å¡up, who took the name Mursili III, and reigned for seven years.Apology of ḪattuÅ¡ili III §11, âI submitted for seven yearsâ. But he found himself increasingly at odds with his uncle, ḪattuÅ¡ili III, the heroic general of Kadesh, who eventually overthrew him. In the first instance, Urḫi-TeÅ¡Å¡up seems to have appealed to KadaÅ¡man-Turgu for support,Apology of ḪattuÅ¡ili III, §12, IV 34â5, âHe would have plotted another plot, and driven to the land of Babylon, but when I heard the matter, I seized him, and I sent him to the sea coast.â before turning to the Assyrians and finally seeking asylum at the court of Ramesses.First, ḪattuÅ¡ili demanded the handover of the fugitive. Then he sought support from KadaÅ¡man-Turgu complaining of the pharaoh's lack of complicity. KadaÅ¡man-Turgu was apparently sympathetic and willing to recognize the usurper as Hatti's legitimate king, motivated perhaps more by the need for a strong alliance with the Hittites to counter the threat of the Assyrians and maintain the uneasy peace. He promised to provide ḪattuÅ¡ili with military support in any conflict with Egypt and âkept the messenger of the king of Egypt at bayâ, i.e. terminated diplomatic links. According to ḪattuÅ¡ili, they agreed that âthe survivor shall protect the children of the one who goes first to his fateâ.Relations must have warmed for at least a short time, before KadaÅ¡man-Turgu died, because ḪattuÅ¡ili records in a letter to KadaÅ¡man-Enlil that his father loaned to the Hittite the services of a sculptor, who was subsequently returned. He had earlier loaned a physician named Rabâ-Å¡a-Marduk and an exorcist to ḪattuÅ¡iliâs brother Muwatalli II ("as for the exorcist about whom my brother wrote me, saying 'the exorcist whom my brother wrote me has arrived [â¦] and has begun the ritual'âKadaÅ¡man-Turgu letter to ḪattuÅ¡ili III (tablet Bo 6358 / KUB 3:71 / CTH 174) (Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin){{rp|7f}}) but these experts were never returned ("perhaps the exorcist has died"{{rp|r45}}).6 CAD Å /III, 250bDomestic affairs
His construction efforts are witnessed at the Eâigi-kalama ziggurat of the tutelary deity Lugalmarada, in the city of Marad, and also in the ziggurat area at Nippur. A single lapis lazuli bead inscribed with the name of KadaÅ¡man-Turgu was found during the excavation of the Ekur temple at Nippur.B. Schneider, An inscribed bead with a votive inscription of KadaÅ¡man-Turgu (L-29â449). N.A.B.U.2015/99: 166â67, 2015 A single tablet dated to year 4 of KadaÅ¡man-Turgu was found in the main palace area at Dur-Kurigalzu.Clayden, Tim. "16. DÅ«r-Kurigalzu: New Perspectives". Volume 2 KarduniaÅ¡. Babylonia under the Kassites 2, edited by Alexa Bartelmus and Katja Sternitzke, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2017, pp. 437-478The eighteen-year reign is confirmed by progression of date formulae appearing on more than a hundred economic texts, such as those of Irîmshu-Ninurta, a prominent official in Nippur, who recorded ten storehouse transactions, from KadaÅ¡man-Turguâs reign, to that of his successor, his son KadaÅ¡man-Enlil II, in which he receives incoming taxes, he grants loans, and pays salaries to other officers.Chronological problems
An economic text, first published in 1982 by Veysel Donbaz, has presented a chronological dilemma regarding the sequence of succession from KadaÅ¡man-Turgu to KadaÅ¡man-Enlil as it seems to place KadaÅ¡man-Enlilâs succession year in the past whilst describing events too recent to be explained by harking back to the earlier monarch, KadaÅ¡man-Enlil I, whose reign ended 90 years before the date (1270 BC) on this document. It describes the exchange of goods and real estate between Kidin-Gula and his son Martuku with Arad-Marduk. It provides the following heading at the start and a similar summary at the end:Brinkman argues that the evidence for the traditional sequence, i.e. votive inscriptions of KadaÅ¡man-Enlil, son of KadaÅ¡man-Turgu and other contemporary documents, âis too strong simply to set aside.â{{rp|70}} In contrast, Boese suggests another KadaÅ¡man-Enlil may have briefly preceded the pair. The text comes from the archive of Itti-Ezida-lummir in Babylon (Pedersén M8) which also contains a text that may be from the 10th year of KadaÅ¡man-Ḫarbe II,Bab 39045. a king recorded as having only reigned for less than 2 years, and, for this reason, Werner Nahm suggests they are both ancient fabrications. The title to real estate pledged as security to debt valued in copper, rather than the gold or silver citations of the period, reflects a later era after 1175 BC, when the trade routes for these precious metals had been compromised and supports doubts about its authenticity.Inscriptions
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