Race (human categorization)

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Race (human categorization)
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{{About|human races as a social concept and in anthropology|the sociological concept|Race and society|"the human race" (all of humanity)|Human|the term "race" in biology|Race (biology)}}{{pp|small=yes}}{{Use dmy dates|date=June 2018}}{{Race}}{{Anthropology}}A race is a grouping of humans based on shared physical or social qualities into categories generally viewed as distinct by society.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}} First used to refer to speakers of a common language and then to denote national affiliations, by the 17th century the term race began to refer to physical (phenotypical) traits. Modern scholarship regards race as a social construct, that is, a symbolic identity created to establish some cultural meaning. While partially based on physical similarities within groups, race is not an inherent physical or biological quality.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}}{{refn|name=Britannica}}Social conceptions and groupings of races vary over time, involving folk taxonomiesSee:
  • {{harvnb|Montagu|1962}}
  • {{harvnb|Bamshad|Olson|2003}} that define (Wikt:essentiality|essential types) of individuals based on perceived traits. Scientists consider biological essentialism obsolete, and generally discourage racial explanations for collective differentiation in both physical and behavioral traits.JOURNAL, Keita, Kittles, R A, Conceptualizing human variation, Nature Genetics, 2004, 36, 11s, S17–S20, 10.1038/ng1455,weblink Modern human biological variation is not structured into phylogenetic subspecies ('races'), nor are the taxa of the standard anthropological 'racial' classifications breeding populations. The 'racial taxa' do not meet the phylogenetic criteria. 'Race' denotes socially constructed units as a function of the incorrect usage of the term., 15507998, S O Y, Royal, C D M, Bonney, G E, Furbert-Harris, P, Dunston, G M, Rotimi, C N, BOOK, Harrison, Guy, Race and Reality, 2010, Prometheus Books, Amherst, Race is a poor empirical description of the patterns of difference that we encounter within our species. The billions of humans alive today simply do not fit into neat and tidy biological boxes called races. Science has proven this conclusively. The concept of race (...) is not scientific and goes against what is known about our ever-changing and complex biological diversity., BOOK, Roberts, Dorothy, Fatal Invention, 2011, The New Press, London, New York, The genetic differences that exist among populations are characterized by gradual changes across geographic regions, not sharp, categorical distinctions. Groups of people across the globe have varying frequencies of polymorphic genes, which are genes with any of several differing nucleotide sequences. There is no such thing as a set of genes that belongs exclusively to one group and not to another. The clinal, gradually changing nature of geographic genetic difference is complicated further by the migration and mixing that human groups have engaged in since prehistory. Human beings do not fit the zoological definition of race. A mountain of evidence assembled by historians, anthropologists, and biologists proves that race is not and cannot be a natural division of human beings.,
Even though there is a broad scientific agreement that essentialist and typological conceptualizations of race are untenable, scientists around the world continue to conceptualize race in widely differing ways, some of which have essentialist implications. While some researchers use the concept of race to make distinctions among fuzzy sets of traits or observable differences in behaviour, others in the scientific community suggest that the idea of race often is used in a naive or simplistic way, and argue that, among humans, race has no taxonomic significance by pointing out that all living humans belong to the same species, Homo sapiens, and (as far as applicable) subspecies, Homo sapiens sapiens.Since the second half of the 20th century, the association of race with the ideologies and theories of scientific racism has led to the use of the word race itself becoming problematic.NEWS,weblink Opinion {{!, What Doctors Should Ignore|date=8 December 2017|work=The New York Times|access-date=2018-05-08|language=en-US|issn=0362-4331}} Although still used in general contexts, race has often been replaced by less ambiguous and loaded terms: populations, people(s), ethnic groups, or communities, depending on context.WEB,weblink Race2, Oxford Dictionaries, Oxford University Press, 5 October 2012, 1. Each of the major division of humankind, having distinct physical characteristics [example elided]. 1.1. mass noun The fact or condition of belonging to a racial division or group; the qualities or characteristics associated with this. 1.2. A group of people sharing the same culture, history, language, etc.; an ethnic group [example elided]., Provides 8 definitions, from biological to literary; only the most pertinent have been quoted.JOURNAL, Keita, Kittles, R A, Nature Genetics, 2004, 36, 11s, S17–S20, 10.1038/ng1455,weblink Many terms requiring definition for use describe demographic population groups better than the term 'race' because they invite examination of the criteria for classification., 15507998, Conceptualizing human variation, S O Y, Royal, C D M, Bonney, G E, Furbert-Harris, P, Dunston, G M, Rotimi, C N,

Defining race

Modern scholarship views racial categories as socially constructed, that is, race is not intrinsic to human beings but rather an identity created, often by socially dominant groups, to establish meaning in a social context. This often involves the subjugation of groups defined as racially inferior, as in the one-drop rule used in the 19th-century United States to exclude those with any amount of African ancestry from the dominant racial grouping, defined as "white".BOOK, Barnshaw, John, Schaefer, Richard T., Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, Volume 1, 2008, SAGE Publications, 978-1-45-226586-5, 1091–3,weblink Race, Such racial identities reflect the cultural attitudes of imperial powers dominant during the age of European colonial expansion.{{refn|name=Britannica}} This view rejects the notion that race is biologically defined.BOOK, Marks, Jonathan, What it means to be 98% chimpanzee apes, people, and their genes, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003, 9780520930766, JOURNAL, Templeton, A. R., 1998, Human Races: A Genetic and Evolutionary Perspective, American Anthropologist, 100, 3, 632–650, 10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632, JOURNAL, Williams, S. M., Templeton, A. R., 2003, Race and Genomics, New England Journal of Medicine, 348, 25, 2581–2582, 10.1056/nejm200306193482521, Templeton, A. R. "The genetic and evolutionary significance of human races". In Race and Intelligence: Separating Science from Myth. J. M. Fish (ed.), pp. 31–56. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002.JOURNAL, American, Anthropological, Physical, Statement on Biological Aspects of Race,weblink American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 569, 101, 4, 1996, 10.1002/ajpa.1331010408, Steve Olson, Mapping Human History: Discovering the Past Through Our Genes, Boston, 2002{{harvnb|Templeton|2013}}{{Excessive citations inline|date=October 2017}}Although commonalities in physical traits such as facial features, skin color, and hair texture comprise part of the race concept, the latter is a social distinction rather than an inherently biological one.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}} Other dimensions of racial groupings include shared history, traditions and language. For instance, African-American English is a language spoken by many African Americans, especially in areas of the United States where racial segregation exists. Furthermore, people often self-identify as members of a race for political reasons.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}}When people define and talk about a particular conception of race, they create a social reality through which social categorization is achieved.{{harvnb|Lee|1997}} In this sense, races are said to be social constructs.See:
  • {{harvnb|Blank|Dabady|Citro|2004}}
  • {{harvnb|Smaje|1997}} These constructs develop within various legal, economic, and sociopolitical contexts, and may be the effect, rather than the cause, of major social situations.See:
  • {{harvnb|Lee|1997}}
  • {{harvnb|Nobles|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Morgan|1975}} as cited in {{harvnb|Lee|1997|page=407}} While race is understood to be a social construct by many, most scholars agree that race has real material effects in the lives of people through institutionalized practices of preference and discrimination.
Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups. Racial discrimination often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior. As a result, racial groups possessing relatively little power often find themselves excluded or oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has led to many instances of tragedy, including slavery and genocide.In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.Scholars continue to debate the degrees to which racial categories are biologically warranted and socially constructed. For example, in 2008, John Hartigan, Jr. argued for a view of race that focused primarily on culture, but which does not ignore the potential relevance of biology or genetics.JOURNAL, Hartigan, John, Is Race Still Socially Constructed? The Recent Controversy over Race and Medical Genetics, Science as Culture, June 2008, 17, 2, 163–193, 10.1080/09505430802062943, Accordingly, the racial paradigms employed in different disciplines vary in their emphasis on biological reduction as contrasted with societal construction.In the social sciences, theoretical frameworks such as racial formation theory and critical race theory investigate implications of race as social construction by exploring how the images, ideas and assumptions of race are expressed in everyday life. A large body of scholarship has traced the relationships between the historical, social production of race in legal and criminal language, and their effects on the policing and disproportionate incarceration of certain groups.

Historical origins of racial classification

{{See also|Historical race concepts}}File:Meyers b11 s0476a.jpg|thumb|upright=1.35|The three great races according to Meyers Konversations-Lexikon of 1885-90. The subtypes of the Mongoloid race are shown in yellow and orange tones, those of the Caucasoid race in light and medium grayish spring green-cyan tones and those of the Negroid race in brown tones. Dravidians and Sinhalese are in olive green and their classification is described as uncertain. The Mongoloid race sees the widest geographic distribution, including all of the Americas, North Asia, East Asia, and Southeast Asia, the entire inhabited Arctic while they form most of Central Asia and the Pacific IslandsPacific IslandsFile:Asiatiska folk, Nordisk familjebok.jpg|thumb|The racial diversity of Asia's peoples, Nordisk familjebokNordisk familjebokGroups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences. The term race was often used in a general biological taxonomic sense, starting from the 19th century, to denote genetically differentiated human populations defined by phenotype.


According to Smedley and Marks the European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves.Drawing on sources from classical antiquity and upon their own internal interactions â€“ for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people â€“ Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.

Early taxonomic models

The first post-Graeco-Roman published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human species Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively.{{sfn|Slotkin|1965|page=177}} Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, the Mongoloid race, the Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid), the American Indian race, and the Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what Smedley has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.

Polygenism vs monogenism

In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863), which, during the period of the American Civil War, broke away from the Ethnological Society of London and its monogenic stance, their underlined difference lying, relevantly, in the so-called "Negro question": a substantial racist view by the former,{{r|Hunt1863_3}} and a more liberal view on race by the latter.{{r|Desmond09_332}}

{{anchor|Modern debate}} Modern scholarship

Models of human evolution

{{See also|Multiregional hypothesis|Recent single origin hypothesis}}Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus (sensu lato) or Homo ergaster.Camilo J. Cela-Conde and Francisco J. Ayala. 2007. Human Evolution Trails from the Past Oxford University Press p. 195Lewin, Roger. 2005. Human Evolution an illustrated introduction. Fifth edition. p. 159. Blackwell Anthropologists support the idea that anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens) evolved in North or East Africa from an archaic human species such as H. heidelbergensis and then migrated out of Africa, mixing with and replacing H. heidelbergensis and H. neanderthalensis populations throughout Europe and Asia, and H. rhodesiensis populations in Sub-Saharan Africa (a combination of the Out of Africa and Multiregional models).BOOK, 2012, Chris, Stringer, Lone Survivors: How We Came to Be the Only Humans on Earth, London, Times Books, 978-0805088915, harv, {{verify source|date=January 2013}}

Biological classification

{{further|Race (biology)|Species|Subspecies|Systematics|Phylogenetics|Cladistics}}In the early 20th century, many anthropologists taught that race was an entirely biologically phenomenon and that this was core to a person's behavior and identity, a position commonly called racial essentialism. This, coupled with a belief that linguistic, cultural, and social groups fundamentally existed along racial lines, formed the basis of what is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, along with the rise of anti-colonial movements, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity.JOURNAL, Hirschman, Charles, 2004, The Origins and Demise of the Concept of Race,weblink Population and Development Review, 30, 3, 385–415, 10.1111/j.1728-4457.2004.00021.x, 1728-4457, 2014-01-06, New studies of culture and the fledgling field of population genetics undermined the scientific standing of racial essentialism, leading race anthropologists to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.The first to challenge the concept of race on empirical grounds were the anthropologists Franz Boas, who provided evidence of phenotypic plasticity due to environmental factors, and Ashley Montagu, who relied on evidence from genetics. E. O. Wilson then challenged the concept from the perspective of general animal systematics, and further rejected the claim that "races" were equivalent to "subspecies".Human genetic variation is predominantly within races, continuous, and complex in structure, which is inconsistent with the concept of genetic human races.JOURNAL, Goodman, A. H., November 2000, Why genes don't count (for racial differences in health), American Journal of Public Health, 90, 11, 1699–1702, 0090-0036, 1446406, 11076233, 10.2105/ajph.90.11.1699, According to Jonathan Marks,


The term race in biology is used with caution because it can be ambiguous. Generally, when it is used it is effectively a synonym of subspecies. (For animals, the only taxonomic unit below the species level is usually the subspecies; there are narrower infraspecific ranks in botany, and race does not correspond directly with any of them.) Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. Studies of human genetic variation show that human populations are not geographically isolated,JOURNAL, Templeton, Alan R., 1998, Human Races: A Genetic and Evolutionary Perspective, 682042, American Anthropologist, 100, 3, 632–650, 0002-7294, Genetic surveys and the analyses of DNA haplotype trees show that human "races" are not distinct lineages, and that this is not due to recent admixture; human "races" are not and never were "pure.", and their genetic differences are far smaller than those among comparable subspecies.JOURNAL, Relethford, John H., 23 February 2017, Biological Anthropology, Population Genetics, and Race,weblink The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy and Race, 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190236953.013.20, 2018-03-27, "Human populations do not exhibit the levels of geographic isolation or genetic divergence to fit the subspecies model of race.", In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that, "It does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other." While in practice subspecies are often defined by easily observable physical appearance, there is not necessarily any evolutionary significance to these observed differences, so this form of classification has become less acceptable to evolutionary biologists. Likewise this typological approach to race is generally regarded as discredited by biologists and anthropologists.

Ancestrally differentiated populations (clades)

Some researchers{{Who|date=March 2018}} have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor (a monophyletic group). Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy â€“ the phylogenetic tree â€“ based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms.Philosopher Robin Andreasen (2000) proposes that cladistics can be used to categorize human races biologically, and that races can be both biologically real and socially constructed. Andreasen cites tree diagrams of relative genetic distances among populations published by Luigi Cavalli-Sforza as the basis for a phylogenetic tree of human races: "Cavalli-Sforza's research illustrates that it is possible to reconstruct human evolutionary history, and this means that it is possible to provide a cladistic definition of race" (p. S661). Evolutionary biologist Alan Templeton (2013) argues that while "Much of the recent scientific literature on human evolution portrays human populations as separate branches on an evolutionary tree," multiple lines of evidence falsify a phylogenetic tree structure, and confirm the presence of gene flow among populations. Jonathan Marks (2008) argues that Andreasen has misinterpreted the genetic literature: "These trees are phenetic (based on similarity), rather than cladistic (based on based on monophyletic descent, that is from a series of unique ancestors)."{{harvnb|Marks|2008}}, pp. 28–29. Marks, Templeton, and Cavalli-Sforza all conclude that genetics does not provide evidence of human races.{{harvnb|Marks|2008}}Anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995) also critique the use of cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."Human population groups are not monophyletic, as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Keith Hunley, Graciela Cabana, and Jeffrey Long analyzed the Human Genome Diversity Project sample of 1,037 individuals in 52 populations.JOURNAL, Hunley, Keith L., Cabana, Graciela S., Long, Jeffrey C., 1 December 2015, The apportionment of human diversity revisited,weblink American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 160, 561–569, 10.1002/ajpa.22899, 1096-8644, 26619959, 2016-01-23, They found that non-African populations are a taxonomic subgroup of African populations, that "some African populations are equally related to other African populations and to non-African populations," and that "outside of Africa, regional groupings of populations are nested inside one another, and many of them are not monophyletic." Rachel Caspari (2003) has argued that since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.

Morphologically differentiated populations

Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. To do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time". Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:
  • Ecological paradigm: A group of individuals of the same species that co-occur in space and time and have an opportunity to interact with each other.
  • Evolutionary paradigm: A group of individuals of the same species living in close-enough proximity that any member of the group can potentially mate with any other member.
Sesardic argues that when several traits are analyzed at the same time, forensic anthropologists can classify a person's race with an accuracy of close to 100% based on only skeletal remains. Sesardic's claim has been disputed by Massimo Pigliucci, who accused Sesardic of "cherry pick[ing] the scientific evidence and reach[ing] conclusions that are contradicted by it." Specifically, Pigliucci argues that Sesardic misrepresented a paper by Ousley et al. (2009), and neglected to mention that they identified differentiation not just between individuals from different races, but also between individuals from different tribes, local environments, and time periods. This is discussed in a later section.


One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. For example, with respect to skin color in Europe and Africa, Brace writes:To this day, skin color grades by imperceptible means from Europe southward around the eastern end of the Mediterranean and up the Nile into Africa. From one end of this range to the other, there is no hint of a skin color boundary, and yet the spectrum runs from the lightest in the world at the northern edge to as dark as it is possible for humans to be at the equator.BOOK, Evolution in an Anthropological View, Brace, C. Loring, 2000, Rowman & Littlefield, 978-0-7425-0263-5, 301, In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units', then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept". The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment". He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena ... but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.{{Multiple image| align = | direction = vertical| width = 280| image1 = Unlabeled Renatto Luschan Skin color map.png| caption1 = | image2 = Map of blood group b.gif| caption2 = Skin color (above) and blood type B (below) are nonconcordant traits since their geographical distribution is not similar.}}In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly â€“ for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as {{harvtxt|Ossorio|Duster| 2005}} put it:

Genetically differentiated populations

Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist William C. Boyd defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'". Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless. The Human Genome Project states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other." Massimo Pigliucci and Jonathan Kaplan argue that human races do exist, and that they correspond to the genetic classification of ecotypes, but that real human races do not correspond very much, if at all, to folk racial categories.JOURNAL, Pigliucci, Massimo, Kaplan, Jonathan, On the Concept of Biological Race and Its Applicability to Humans, Philosophy of Science, December 2003, 70, 5, 1161–1172, 10.1086/377397, In contrast, Walsh & Yun reviewed the literature in 2011 and reported that "Genetic studies using very few chromosomal loci find that genetic polymorphisms divide human populations into clusters with almost 100 percent accuracy and that they correspond to the traditional anthropological categories."JOURNAL, Walsh, Anthony, Yun, Ilhong, Race and Criminology in the Age of Genomic Science, Social Science Quarterly, n/a, October 2011, 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2011.00818.x, Some biologists argue that racial categories correlate with biological traits (e.g. phenotype), and that certain genetic markers have varying frequencies among human populations, some of which correspond more or less to traditional racial groupings. For this reason, there is no current consensus about whether racial categories can be considered to have significance for understanding human genetic variation.JOURNAL, Bamshad, M., Wooding, S., Salisbury, B. A., Stephens, J. C., 2004, Deconstructing the relationship between genetics and race, Nature Reviews Genetics, 5, 8, 598–609, 10.1038/nrg1401, 15266342,

Distribution of genetic variation

The distribution of genetic variants within and among human populations are impossible to describe succinctly because of the difficulty of defining a population, the clinal nature of variation, and heterogeneity across the genome (Long and Kittles 2003). In general, however, an average of 85% of statistical genetic variation exists within local populations, ~7% is between local populations within the same continent, and ~8% of variation occurs between large groups living on different continents.Lewontin 1972; Jorde et al. 2000a The recent African origin theory for humans would predict that in Africa there exists a great deal more diversity than elsewhere and that diversity should decrease the further from Africa a population is sampled. Hence, the 85% average figure is misleading: Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 60% of human genetic diversity exists in the least diverse population they analyzed (the Surui, a population derived from New Guinea).Long & Kittles 2003 Statistical analysis that takes this difference into account confirms previous findings that, "Western-based racial classifications have no taxonomic significance."JOURNAL, Hunley, Keith L., Cabana, Graciela S., Long, Jeffrey C., 1 December 2015, The apportionment of human diversity revisited,weblink American Journal of Physical Anthropology, –, 10.1002/ajpa.22899, 1096-8644, 2016-01-23,

Cluster analysis

A 2002 study of random biallelic genetic loci found little to no evidence that humans were divided into distinct biological groups.JOURNAL, Romualdi, Chiara, Balding, David, Nasidze, Ivane S., Risch, Gregory, Robichaux, Myles, Sherry, Stephen T., Stoneking, Mark, Batzer, Mark A., Barbujani, Guido, April 2002, Patterns of human diversity, within and among continents, inferred from biallelic DNA polymorphisms, Genome Research, 12, 4, 602–612, 10.1101/gr.214902, 1088-9051, 11932244, 187513, In his 2003 paper, "(Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy)", A. W. F. Edwards argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data. Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups. Joanna Mountain and Neil Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and complex traits remains poorly understood. However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis, and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity â€“ as opposed to current residence â€“ is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population." ({{harvtxt|Tang|Quertermous|Rodriguez|Kardia|2005}}){{harvtxt|Witherspoon|Wooding|Rogers|Marchani|2007}} have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes." Witherspoon, et al. concluded that, "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther,Kaplan, Jonathan Michael Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2014). 'Realism, Antirealism, and Conventionalism About Race' Philosophy of Scienceweblink Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt, 2015, The Genetic Reification of 'Race'?: A Story of Two Mathematical Methods,weblink PDF, Critical Philosophy of Race, 2, 2, 204–223, Kaplan, Jonathan Michael, Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2012). Prisoners of Abstraction? The Theory and Measure of Genetic Variation, and the Very Concept of 'Race' Biological Theoryweblink and the geneticist Joseph Graves, have argued that while there it is certainly possible to find biological and genetic variation that corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined as "continental races", this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations. The cluster structure of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998Mills CW (1988) "But What Are You Really? The Metaphysics of Race" in Blackness visible: essays on philosophy and race, pp. 41–66. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2014/2011). The Genetic Reification of Race? A Story of Two Mathematical Methods. Critical Philosophy of Raceweblink Philosopher Lisa Gannett has argued that biogeographical ancestry, a concept devised by Mark Shriver and Tony Frudakis, is not an objective measure of the biological aspects of race as Shriver and Frudakis claim it is. She argues that it is actually just a "local category shaped by the U.S. context of its production, especially the forensic aim of being able to predict the race or ethnicity of an unknown suspect based on DNA found at the crime scene."JOURNAL, Gannett, Lisa, Biogeographical ancestry and race, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, September 2014, 47, 173–84, 10.1016/j.shpsc.2014.05.017,

Clines and clusters in genetic variation

Recent studies of human genetic clustering have included a debate over how genetic variation is organized, with clusters and clines as the main possible orderings. {{harvtxt|Serre|Pääbo| 2004}} argued for smooth, clinal genetic variation in ancestral populations even in regions previously considered racially homogeneous, with the apparent gaps turning out to be artifacts of sampling techniques. {{harvtxt|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}} disputed this and offered an analysis of the Human Genetic Diversity Panel showing that there were small discontinuities in the smooth genetic variation for ancestral populations at the location of geographic barriers such as the Sahara, the Oceans, and the Himalayas. Nonetheless, {{harvtxt|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}} stated that their findings “should not be taken as evidence of our support of any particular concept of biological race... Genetic differences among human populations derive mainly from gradations in allele frequencies rather than from distinctive 'diagnostic' genotypes." Using a sample of 40 populations distributed roughly evenly across the Earth's land surface, {{harvtxt|Xing|et. al.|2010|p=208}} found that "genetic diversity is distributed in a more clinal pattern when more geographically intermediate populations are sampled."Guido Barbujani has written that human genetic variation is generally distributed continuously in gradients across much of Earth, and that there is no evidence that genetic boundaries between human populations exist as would be necessary for human races to exist.{{harvtxt|Barbujani|2005}}Over time, human genetic variation has formed a nested structure that is inconsistent with the concept of races that have evolved independently of one another.JOURNAL, Hunley, Keith L., Healy, Meghan E., Long, Jeffrey C., 18 February 2009, The global pattern of gene identity variation reveals a history of long-range migrations, bottlenecks, and local mate exchange: Implications for biological race, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 139, 1, 35–46, 10.1002/ajpa.20932, 19226641,

Social constructions

As anthropologists and other evolutionary scientists have shifted away from the language of race to the term population to talk about genetic differences, historians, cultural anthropologists and other social scientists re-conceptualized the term "race" as a cultural category or social construct, i.e., a way among many possible ways in which a society chooses to divide its members into categories.Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history.{{dubious|date=October 2016}} Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the civil rights movement in the United States and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."Stephan Palmié asserted that race "is not a thing but a social relation"; or, in the words of Katya Gibel Mevorach, "a metonym", "a human invention whose criteria for differentiation are neither universal nor fixed but have always been used to manage difference." As such, the use of the term "race" itself must be analyzed. Moreover, they argue that biology will not explain why or how people use the idea of race: History and social relationships will.Imani Perry has argued that race "is produced by social arrangements and political decision making."Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2011), 23. Perry explains race more in stating, "race is something that happens, rather than something that is. It is dynamic, but it holds no objective truth."Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2011), 24.Some scholars have challenged the notion that race is primarily a social construction by arguing that race has a biological basis.JOURNAL, Tang, H., Quertermous, T., Rodriguez, B., Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies, American Journal of Human Genetics, 76, 2, 268–75, February 2005, 15625622, 1196372, 10.1086/427888, etal, One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: "we looked at the correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism."JOURNAL, Risch, N., The whole side of it â€“ an interview with Neil Risch by Jane Gitschier, PLoS Genetics, 1, 1, e14, July 2005, 17411332, 1183530, 10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014,


(File:Redenção.jpg|thumb|upright=0.85|Portrait "Redenção de Cam" (1895), showing a Brazilian family becoming "whiter" each generation.)Compared to 19th-century United States, 20th-century Brazil was characterized by a perceived relative absence of sharply defined racial groups. According to anthropologist Marvin Harris, this pattern reflects a different history and different social relations.Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from, to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial groups.JOURNAL, 140919, 12509516, 10.1073/pnas.0126614100, 100, 1, Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians, January 2003, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A., 177–82, Parra, FC, Amado, RC, Lambertucci, JR, Rocha, J, Antunes, CM, Pena, SD, 2003PNAS..100..177P, Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry.BBC delves into Brazilians' roots accessed 13 July 2009 The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward,RIBEIRO, Darcy. O Povo Brasileiro, Companhia de Bolso, fourth reprint, 2008 (2008). and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).Levine-Rasky, Cynthia. 2002. "Working through whiteness: international perspectives. SUNY Press (p. 73) "Money whitens" If any phrase encapsulates the association of whiteness and the modern in Latin America, this is it. It is a cliché formulated and reformulated throughout the region, a truism dependant upon the social experience that wealth is associated with whiteness, and that in obtaining the former one may become aligned with the latter (and vice versa)"."{| class="wikitable" style="float: right;"! colspan="4" |Self-reported ancestry of people fromRio de Janeiro, by race or skin color (2000 survey)BOOK, 81–84, Race in Another America: The significance of skin color in Brazil, Edward Eric, Telles, Racial Classification, 2004, Princeton University Press, 0-691-11866-3,
! Ancestry!! brancos !! pardos!! negros
| European only
| African only
| Amerindian only
| African and European
| Amerindian and European
| African and Amerindian
| African, Amerindian and European
| Total
| Any African
Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5–10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).weblink" title="">Negros de origem européia., Genetic signatures of parental contribution in black and white populations in Brazil, 10.1590/S1415-47572009005000001, 2009, Guerreiro-Junior, Vanderlei, Bisso-Machado, Rafael, Marrero, Andrea, Hünemeier, Tábita, Salzano, Francisco M., Bortolini, Maria Cátira, Genetics and Molecular Biology, 32, 1–11, 21637639, 1, 3032968, JOURNAL, Genetic heritage variability of Brazilians in even regional averages, 2009 study, 10.1590/S0100-879X2009005000026, 2009, Pena, S.D.J., Bastos-Rodrigues, L., Pimenta, J.R., Bydlowski, S.P., Brazilian Journal of Medical and Biological Research, 42, 10, 870–876, 19738982, If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).JOURNAL, 10.1371/journal.pone.0017063, The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Regions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected, 2011, Sérgio D. J., Pena, Giuliano, Di Pietro, Mateus, Fuchshuber-Moraes, Julia Pasqualini, Genro, Mara H., Hutz, Fernanda de Souza Gomes, Kehdy, Fabiana, Kohlrausch, Luiz Alexandre Viana, Magno, Raquel Carvalho, Montenegro, Manoel Odorico, Moraes, Maria Elisabete Amaral, de Moraes, Milene Raiol, de Moraes, Élida B., Ojopi, Jamila A., Perini, Clarice, Racciopi, Ândrea Kely Campos, Ribeiro-dos-Santos, Fabrício, Rios-Santos, Marco A., Romano-Silva, Vinicius A., Sortica, Guilherme, Suarez-Kurtz, PLoS ONE, 6, 2, e17063, 21359226, 3040205, Harpending, Henry, 2011PLoSO...617063P, JOURNAL,weblink Allele frequencies of 15 STRs in a representative sample of the Brazilian population, 10.1016/j.fsigen.2009.05.006, 2010, De Assis Poiares, Lilian, De Sá Osorio, Paulo, Spanhol, Fábio Alexandre, Coltre, Sidnei César, Rodenbusch, Rodrigo, Gusmão, Leonor, Largura, Alvaro, Sandrini, Fabiano, Da Silva, Cláudia Maria Dornelles, Forensic Science International: Genetics, 4, 2, e61, 20129458, yes,weblink 8 April 2011, Brazilian DNA is nearly 80% European, indicates study.NMO Godinho O impacto das migrações na constituição genética de populações latino-americanas {{webarchive|url= |date=6 July 2011 }}. PhD Thesis, Universidade de Brasília (2008).{| class="wikitable" style="float: right;"! colspan="11" |Ethnic groups in Brazil (census data)WEB,weblink IBGE teen,, 2011-12-29, yes,weblink" title="">weblink 23 September 2009,
!Ethnic group || white || black || multiracial
| 4,188,737
| 8,744,365
| 62,316,064
{| class="wikitable" style="float: right;"! colspan="6" |Ethnic groups in Brazil (1872 and 1890)BOOK, Ramos, Arthur, 2003, Portuguese, A mestiçagem no Brasil, EDUFAL, Maceió, 978-85-7177-181-9, harv, 82,
! Years! whites! multiracial! blacks! Indians! Total
| 1872| 38.1%| 38.3%| 19.7%| 3.9%| 100%
| 1890| 44.0%| 32.4%| 14.6%| 9%| 100%
From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million,Argentina. by Arthur P. Whitaker. New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc, 1984. Cited in Yale immigration study and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time.Renato Pinto Venâncio, "Presença portuguesa: de colonizadores a imigrantes" i.e. Portuguese presence: from colonizers to immigrants, chap. 3 of Brasil: 500 anos de povoamento (IBGE). Relevant extract available here WEB,weblink Archived copy, 2013-02-24, yes,weblink" title="">weblink 24 February 2013, Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majority European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.

European Union

According to European Council:}}The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".WEB,weblink European Union Directives on the Prohibition of Discrimination,, Icelandic Human Rights Centre, yes,weblink" title="">weblink 24 July 2012, {{full citation needed|date=September 2015}} Haney López warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".BOOK, Mark, Bell,weblink Racism and Equality in the European Union, Oxford University Press, 2009, 9780199297849, 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297849.001.0001, yes,weblink" title="">weblink 2 December 2012, The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.


Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States (roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified (see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech â€“ going much further than their American counterparts â€“ and relatively less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.Race Policy in France by Erik Bleich, Middlebury College, 2012-05-01

United States

{{See also|Miscegenation#Admixture in the United States|Historical racial and ethnic demographics of the United States}}In the United States, there is disagreement on the nature of race within the biological sciences, whereas the social constructionist view is dominant in the social sciences; over time, biological views on race have become more controversial across all disciplines, with clear divides along generational, cultural, and racial lines.BOOK, How Scientists Think and Teach about Human Difference,weblink University of California Press, Morning, Ann, 2011, 47, 9780520950146, The immigrants to the Americas came from every region of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They mixed among themselves and with the indigenous inhabitants of the continent. In the United States most people who self-identify as African–American have some European ancestors, while many people who identify as European American have some African or Amerindian ancestors.Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African–Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as mulatto and octoroon. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During Reconstruction, increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "one drop" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance. By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states. Amerindians continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called blood quantum). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.BOOK, Sexton, Jared, Amalgamation Schemes, 2008, Univ of Minnesota Press, The decennial censuses conducted since 1790 in the United States created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people into these categories.The term "Hispanic" as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups). However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a raceHorsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Radial Anglo-Saxonism, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1981 p. 210. This reference is speaking in historic terms bt there is not reason to think that this perception has altered much or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "Anglo" refers to non-Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European Americans, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of English descent.

Views across disciplines over time

One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks consensus, though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus. Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, clade, or haplogroup. Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis.Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks,Race, Class, and Gender in the United States (text only) 7th (Seventh) edition by P. S. Rothenberg p131 "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism Without Racists (Second Edition) (2006), Rowman and Littlefield The types of practices that take place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institutionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States. There are contradictions between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a color-coded system of inequality. {{citation needed|date=November 2016}}In Poland, the race concept was rejected by 25 percent of anthropologists in 2001, although: "Unlike the U.S. anthropologists, Polish anthropologists tend to regard race as a term without taxonomic value, often as a substitute for population."


{{Refimprove science|section|date=August 2017}}The concept of typological race classification in physical anthropology lost credibility around the 1960s and is now considered untenable.BOOK, A companion to Biological Anthropology, Larsen, Clark Spencer, Wiley-Blackwell, 2010, 978-1-4051-8900-2, 13, 26, 'Race' as a typological characterization of human variation was to become a dominant theme in physical anthropology until the mid-twentieth century. ... Controversies over race did not end in the 1960s ... but there is a general sense in physical anthropology that the earlier use of race as a unit of study or as a conceptual unit is no longer viable and that this transition came in the 1960s., Wagner et al. (2017) surveyed 3,286 American anthropologists' views on race and genetics, including both cultural and biological andthropologists. They found a consensus among them that biological races do not exist in humans, but that race does exist insofar as the social experiences of members of different races can have significant effects on health.JOURNAL, Yu, Joon-Ho, Ifekwunigwe, Jayne O., Harrell, Tanya M., Bamshad, Michael J., Royal, Charmaine D., February 2017, Anthropologists' views on race, ancestry, and genetics, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 162, 2, 318–327, 10.1002/ajpa.23120, 27874171, Wagner, Jennifer K., 5299519, Wang, Å trkalj et al. (2003) examined the use of race as a biological concept in research papers published in China's only biological anthropology journal, Acta Anthropologica Sinica. The study showed that the race concept was widely used among Chinese anthropologists.JOURNAL, Wang, Qian, 2003, On the Concept of Race in Chinese Biological Anthropology: Alive and Well,weblink Current Anthropology, The University of Chicago Press, 44, 3, 403, 10.1086/374899, Å trkalj, Goran, BOOK,weblink Forensic Anthropology: 2000 to 2010, Ferguson, Elidh, 2011, Taylor & Francis, 1-439-84588-3, 125, Black, Sue, In a 2007 review paper, Å trkalj suggested that the stark contrast of the racial approach between the United States and China was due to the fact that race is a factor for social cohesion among the ethnically diverse people of China, whereas "race" is a very sensitive issue in America and the racial approach is considered to undermine social cohesion â€“ with the result that in the socio-political context of US academics scientists are encouraged not to use racial categories, whereas in China they are encouraged to use them.JOURNAL, Å trkalj, Goran, 2007, The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review,weblink Anthropologist, Kamla-Raj, 9, 1, Lieberman et al. in a 2004 study researched the acceptance of race as a concept among anthropologists in the United States, Canada, the Spanish speaking areas, Europe, Russia and China. Rejection of race ranged from high to low, with the highest rejection rate in the United States and Canada, a moderate rejection rate in Europe, and the lowest rejection rate in Russia and China. Methods used in the studies reported included questionnaires and content analysis.Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations." The survey shows that the views on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."

United States

Since the second half of the 20th century, physical anthropology in the United States has moved away from a typological understanding of human biological diversity towards a genomic and population-based perspective. Anthropologists have tended to understand race as a social classification of humans based on phenotype and ancestry as well as cultural factors, as the concept is understood in the social sciences. Since 1932, an increasing number of college textbooks introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 Journal of Physical Anthropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.The "Statement on 'Race'" (1998) composed by a select committee of anthropologists and issued by the executive board of the American Anthropological Association as a statement they "believe [...] represents generally the contemporary thinking and scholarly positions of a majority of anthropologists", declares:A survey, taken in 1985 {{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992}}, asked 1,200 American scientists how many disagree with the following proposition: "There are biological races in the species Homo sapiens." The responses were for anthropologists: The figure for physical anthropologists at PhD granting departments was slightly higher, rising from 41% to 42%, with 50% agreeing. Lieberman's study also showed that more women reject the concept of race than men.BOOK, Reynolds, Larry T., Lieberman, Leonard, Race and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Montagu in His Ninetieth Year, Altamira Press, 1996, 1-882-28935-8, 159, This survey, however, did not specify any particular definition of race (although it did clearly specify biological race within the species Homo sapiens); it is difficult to say whether those who supported the statement thought of race in taxonomic or population terms.The same survey, taken in 1999, showed the following changing results for anthropologists: However, a line of research conducted by Cartmill (1998) seemed to limit the scope of Lieberman's finding that there was "a significant degree of change in the status of the race concept". Goran Štrkalj has argued that this may be because Lieberman and collaborators had looked at all the members of the American Anthropological Association irrespective of their field of research interest, while Cartmill had looked specifically at biological anthropologists interested in human variation.According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races. Forensic physical anthropologist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".In partial response to Gill's statement, Professor of Biological Anthropology C. Loring Brace argues that the reason laymen and biological anthropologists can determine the geographic ancestry of an individual can be explained by the fact that biological characteristics are clinally distributed across the planet, and that does not translate into the concept of race. He states: "Race" is still sometimes used within forensic anthropology (when analyzing skeletal remains), biomedical research, and race-based medicine. Brace has criticized this, the practice of forensic anthropologists for using the controversial concept "race" out of convention when they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.In 2007, Ann Morning interviewed over 40 American biologists and anthropologists and found significant disagreements over the nature of race, with no one viewpoint holding a majority among either group. Morning also argues that a third position, "antiessentialism", which holds that race is not a useful concept for biologists, should be introduced into this debate in addition to "constructionism" and "essentialism".JOURNAL, Morning, Ann, "Everyone Knows It's a Social Construct": Contemporary Science and the Nature of Race, Sociological Focus, November 2007, 40, 4, 436–454, 10.1080/00380237.2007.10571319,

Biology, anatomy, and medicine

In the same 1985 survey {{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992}}, 16% of the surveyed biologists and 36% of the surveyed developmental psychologists disagreed with the proposition: "There are biological races in the species Homo sapiens."The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the concept "subspecies". The authors also noted that some widely used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. Futuyma's 1986 "Evolutionary Biology" had abandoned the race concept, "The concept of race, masking the overwhelming genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic patterns of variation that do not correspond to racial divisions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically indefensible as well (pp. 5 18–5 19)."{{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992|pp=316–17}}A 1994 examination of 32 English sport/exercise science textbooks found that 7 (21.9%) claimed that there are biophysical differences due to race that might explain differences in sports performance, 24 (75%) did not mention nor refute the concept, and 1 (3.12%) expressed caution with the idea.In February 2001, the editors of Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine asked "authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so." The editors also stated that "analysis by race and ethnicity has become an analytical knee-jerk reflex." Nature Genetics now ask authors to "explain why they make use of particular ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was achieved."Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952–2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks' fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.Surveying views on race in the scientific community in 2008, Morning says that they often split along culture and demographic lines and that, since Lieberman's surveys, biologists have failed to come to a clear consensus, noting that "At best, one can conclude that biologists and anthropologists now appear equally divided in their beliefs about the nature of race."Gissis (2008) examined several important American and British journals in genetics, epidemiology and medicine for their content during the 1946–2003 period. He wrote that "Based upon my findings I argue that the category of race only seemingly disappeared from scientific discourse after World War II and has had a fluctuating yet continuous use during the time span from 1946 to 2003, and has even become more pronounced from the early 1970s on".33 health services researchers from differing geographic regions were interviewed in a 2008 study. The researchers recognized the problems with racial and ethnic variables but the majority still believed these variables were necessary and useful.A 2010 examination of 18 widely used English anatomy textbooks found that they all represented human biological variation in superficial and outdated ways, many of them making use of the race concept in ways that were current in 1950s anthropology. The authors recommended that anatomical education should describe human anatomical variation in more detail and rely on newer research that demonstrates the inadequacies of simple racial typologies.


Black's Law Dictionary defines race as "[a]n ethnical stock; a great division of mankind [sic] having in common certain distinguishing physical peculiarities constituting a comprehensive class appearance." Black, William Campbell. 1979, Black's Law Dictionary. Fifth Edition. St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Company. P. 1132.


{{see also|Sociology of race and ethnic relations}}Lester Frank Ward (1841-1913), considered to be one of the founders of American sociology, rejected notions that there were fundamental differences that distinguished one race from another, although he acknowledged that social conditions differed dramatically by race.JOURNAL, Frazier, E. Franklin, Sociological Theory and Race Relations, American Sociological Review, 12, 3, 265–271, 10.2307/2086515, At the turn of the 20th century, sociologists viewed the concept of race in ways that were shaped by the scientific racism of the 19th and early 20th centuries.BOOK, Classical and Contemporary Sociological Theory, Appelrouth, Scott, Edles, Laura Desfor, Sage, 2016, 9781452203621, Thousand Oaks, CA, Many sociologists focused on African Americans, called Negroes at that time, and claimed that they were inferior to whites. White sociologist Charlotte Perkins Gilman (1860–1935), for example, used biological arguments to claim the inferiority of African Americans. American sociologist Charles H. Cooley (1864–1929) theorized that differences among races were "natural," and that biological differences result in differences in intellectual abilitiesCooley, Charles H. (1897) 1995. "Genius, Fame, and Race." Pp. 417-437 in The Bell Curve Debate: History, Documents, Opinions, edited by Russell Jacoby and Naomi Glauberman. Toronto: Random House Publications. Edward Alsworth Ross (1866-1951), also an important figure in the founding of American sociology, and an eugenicist, believed that whites were the superior race, and that there were essential differences in "temperament" among races. In 1910, the Journal published an article by Ulysses G. Weatherly (1865-1940) that called for white supremacy and segregation of the races to protect racial purity.W. E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963), one of the first African-American sociologists, was the first sociologist to use sociological concepts and empirical research methods to analyze race as a social construct instead of a biological reality. Beginning in 1899 with his book The Philadelphia Negro, Du Bois studied and wrote about race and racism throughout his career. In his work, he contended that social class, colonialism, and capitalism shaped ideas about race and racial categories. Social scientists largely abandoned scientific racism and biological reasons for racial categorization schemes by the 1930s.Fitzgerald, Kathleen J. Recognizing Race and Ethnicity: Power, Privilege, and Inequality. 2014. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Sociologists associated with the Chicago School theorized that notions about race were socially constructed, and were not biological. In 1978, William Julius Wilson (1935–) argued that race and racial classification systems were declining in significance, and that instead, social class more accurately described what sociologists had earlier understood as race.Wilson, William Julius. 1978. "The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions." Pp. 765-776 in Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective, edited by David B. Grusky. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. By 1986, sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant successfully introduced the concept of racial formation to describe the process by which racial categories are created.BOOK, Racial Formation in the United States, Omi, Michael, Winant, Howard, Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective (4th edition), Westview Press, 2014, 9780813346717, Grusky, David B., Boulder, CO, 683, Omi and Winant assert that "there is no biological basis for distinguishing among human groups along the lines of race." Today, sociologists generally understand race and racial categories as socially constructed, and reject racial categorization schemes that depend on biological differences.

Political and practical uses


{{See also|Pharmacogenomics}}In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups. In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences. Recent interest in race-based medicine, or race-targeted pharmacogenomics, has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the decoding of the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first century. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis. Biomedical researchers' positions on race fall into two main camps: those who consider the concept of race to have no biological basis and those who consider it to have the potential to be biologically meaningful. Members of the latter camp often base their arguments around the potential to create genome-based personalized medicine.JOURNAL, Lee, Catherine, "Race" and "ethnicity" in biomedical research: How do scientists construct and explain differences in health?, Social Science & Medicine, March 2009, 68, 6, 1183–1190, 10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.12.036, Other researchers point out that finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the difference. They suggest that medical practices should maintain their focus on the individual rather than an individual's membership to any group. They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities. International epidemiological data show that living conditions rather than race make the biggest difference in health outcomes even for diseases that have "race-specific" treatments. Some studies have found that patients are reluctant to accept racial categorization in medical practice.

Law enforcement

{{Unreferenced section|date=January 2010}}{{See also|Race and crime in the United Kingdom|Race and crime in the United States}}In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of law enforcement officers seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States FBI employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance (skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend. From the perspective of law enforcement officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.Criminal justice agencies in England and Wales use at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the system used in the 2001 Census when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used by the police when they visually identifysomeone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1), White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4), Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). "IC" stands for "Identification Code;" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications."Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2010, Appendix C: Classifications of ethnicity ". BBC News. 15 June 2007. Retrieved 24 September 2014. Officers are instructed to "record the response that has been given" even if the person gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own perception of the person's ethnic background is recorded separately."Suffolk Constabulary Policies & Procedures: Encounter and Stop and Search" {{webarchive|url= |date=26 August 2014 }} Retrieved 24 September 2014. Comparability of the information being recorded by officers was brought into question by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) in September 2007, as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of "Not Stated.""Office of National Statistics: Review of equality data: audit report" Retrieved 24 September 2014.In many countries, such as France, the state is legally banned from maintaining data based on race, which often makes the police issue wanted notices to the public that include labels like "dark skin complexion", etc.{{Citation needed|date=February 2010}}In the United States, the practice of racial profiling has been ruled to be both unconstitutional and a violation of civil rights. There is active debate regarding the cause of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, punishments meted out, and the country's populations. Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of institutional racism in law enforcement. The history of misuse of racial categories to impact adversely one or more groups and/or to offer protection and advantage to another has a clear impact on debate of the legitimate use of known phenotypical or genotypical characteristics tied to the presumed race of both victims and perpetrators by the government.Mass incarceration in the United States disproportionately impacts African American and Latino communities. Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010), argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not only a system of overcrowded prisons. Mass incarceration is also, "the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison."Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, NY: The New Press, 2010), 13. She defines it further as "a system that locks people not only behind actual bars in actual prisons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls", illustrating the second-class citizenship that is imposed on a disproportionate number of people of color, specifically African-Americans. She compares mass incarceration to Jim Crow laws, stating that both work as racial caste systems.Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, NY: The New Press, 2010), 12.Many research findings appear to agree that the impact of victim race in the IPV arrest decision might possibly include a racial bias in favor of white victims. A 2011 study in a national sample of IPV arrests found that female arrest was more likely if the male victim was white and the female offender was black, while male arrest was more likely if the female victim was white. For both female and male arrest in IPV cases, situations involving married couples were more likely to lead to arrest compared to dating or divorced couples. More research is needed to understand agency and community factors that influence police behavior and how discrepancies in IPV interventions/ tools of justice can be addressed.Dichter, ME, Marcus SM, Morabito MS, Rhodes KV: Explaining the IPV arrest decision: Incident, agency, and community factors. Criminal Justice Review, 2011; 36: 22-39Recent work using DNA cluster analysis to determine race background has been used by some criminal investigators to narrow their search for the identity of both suspects and victims. Proponents of DNA profiling in criminal investigations cite cases where leads based on DNA analysis proved useful, but the practice remains controversial among medical ethicists, defense lawyers and some in law enforcement.

Forensic anthropology

Similarly, forensic anthropologists draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains (e.g. cranial measurements) to aid in the identification of the body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article, anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity, except for forensic anthropologists. He asked, "If races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?" He concluded:Identification of the ancestry of an individual is dependent upon knowledge of the frequency and distribution of phenotypic traits in a population. This does not necessitate the use of a racial classification scheme based on unrelated traits, although the race concept is widely used in medical and legal contexts in the United States. Some studies have reported that races can be identified with a high degree of accuracy using certain methods, such as that developed by Giles and Elliot. However, this method sometimes fails to be replicated in other times and places; for instance, when the method was re-tested to identify Native Americans, the average rate of accuracy dropped from 85% to 33%. Prior information about the individual (e.g. Census data) is also important in allowing the accurate identification of the individual's "race".JOURNAL, Konigsberg, Lyle W., Algee-Hewitt, Bridget F.B., Steadman, Dawnie Wolfe, 1 May 2009, Estimation and evidence in forensic anthropology: Sex and race,weblink American Journal of Physical Anthropology, en, 139, 1, 77–90, 10.1002/ajpa.20934, 19226642, 1096-8644, In a different approach, anthropologist C. Loring Brace said:In association with a NOVA program in 2000 about race, he wrote an essay opposing use of the term.WEB,weblink Does Race Exist?, 15 February 2000,, 2017-11-09, A 2002 study found that about 13% of human craniometric variation existed between regions, while 81% existed within regions (the other 6% existed between local populations within the same region). In contrast, the opposite pattern of genetic variation was observed for skin color (which is often used to define race), with 88% of variation between regions. The study concluded that "The apportionment of genetic diversity in skin color is atypical, and cannot be used for purposes of classification."JOURNAL, Relethford, John H., 2002, Apportionment of global human genetic diversity based on craniometrics and skin color,weblink American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 118, 4, 393–98, 10.1002/ajpa.10079, 12124919, Similarly, a 2009 study found that craniometrics could be used accurately to determine what part of the world someone was from based on their cranium; however, this study also found that there were no abrupt boundaries that separated craniometric variation into distinct racial groups.JOURNAL, Relethford, John H., Race and global patterns of phenotypic variation, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 18 February 2009, 139, 1, 16–22, 10.1002/ajpa.20900, Craniometric variation is geographically structured, allowing high levels of classification accuracy when comparing crania from different parts of the world. Nonetheless, the boundaries in global variation are not abrupt and do not fit a strict view of the race concept; the number of races and the cutoffs used to define them are arbitrary., 19226639, Another 2009 study showed that American blacks and whites had different skeletal morphologies, and that significant patterning in variation in these traits exists within continents. This suggests that classifying humans into races based on skeletal characteristics would necessitate many different "races" being defined.

See also

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{{reflist|30em|refs={{harvnb|AAA|1998}}{{harvnb|AAA|1998}}: "For example, 'Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic "racial" groupings differ from one another only in about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within 'racial' groups than between them.{{'"}}{{harvnb|AAPA|1996}} "Pure races, in the sense of genetically homogeneous populations, do not exist in the human species today, nor is there any evidence that they have ever existed in the past." p. 714{{harvnb|Abraham|2009}}{{harvnb|Andreasen|2000}}JOURNAL, 10.1525/an.2006.47.2.7, Understanding Race and Human Variation: A Public Education Program, Anthropology News, 2006, 47, 7, 2, JOURNAL, Kaszycka, Katarzyna A., Štrkalj, Goran, Strzalko, Jan, 2009, Current Views of European Anthropologists on Race: Influence of Educational and Ideological Background, American Anthropologist, 111, 1, 43–56, 10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01076.x, JOURNAL, Brace, C. Loring, 1995, Region Does not Mean "Race"--Reality Versus Convention in Forensic Anthropology, Journal of Forensic Sciences, 40, 2, 29–33, Brace, C. L. 1995. Journal of Forensic Science Mar; 40(2) 171–75. "Region does not mean 'race': Reality versus convention in forensic anthropology".JOURNAL, Gissis, S., When is 'race' a race? 1946–2003, 10.1016/j.shpsc.2008.09.006, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 39, 4, 437–50, 2008, 19026975, {{harvnb|Banton|1977}}{{harvnb|Brace|1964}}Brace, C. Loring 2005. Race is a four letter word. Oxford University Press.See:
  • {{harvnb|Brace|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Gill|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Lee|1997}}: "The very naturalness of 'reality' is itself the effect of a particular set of discursive constructions. In this way, discourse does not simply reflect reality, but actually participates in its construction"
ENCYCLOPEDIA, Smedley, Audrey, Takezawa, Yasuko I., Wade, Peter, Race: Human, Encyclopædia Britannica,weblink Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 22 August 2017, JOURNAL, Štrkalj, Goran, Solyali, Veli, 2010, Human Biological Variation in Anatomy Textbooks: The Role of Ancestry, Studies on Ethno-Medicine, 4, 3, 157–61, 10.1080/09735070.2010.11886375, {{harvnb|Brace|2005|page=27}}{{harvnb|Boyd|1950}}{{harvnb|Caspari|2003}}; {{harvnb|Lieberman|Kirk|Corcoran|2003}}{{harvnb|Condit|Templeton|Bates|Bevan|2003}} In summary, they argues that, in order to predict the clinical success of pharmacogenomic research, scholars must conduct subsidiary research on two fronts: Science, wherein the degree of correspondence between popular and professional racial categories can be assessed; and society at large, through which attitudinal factors moderate the relationship between scientific soundness and societal acceptance. To accept race-as-proxy, then, may be necessary but insufficient to solidify the future of race-based pharmacogenomics.{{harvnb|Haig|Beever|Chambers|Draheim|2006}}{{harvnb|Cravens|2010}}See:
  • {{harvnb|Cravens|2010}}
  • {{harvnb|Angier|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Amundson|2005}}
  • {{harvnb|Reardon|2005}}
{{harvnb|Currell|Cogdell|2006}}BOOK, The Ancestor's Tale: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Evolution, Dawkins, Richard, Wong, Yan, 2005, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 978-0-61-861916-0, 406–407,weblink's+Fallacy%22#v=onepage&q=%22Lewontin's%20Fallacy%22&f=false, (Summarizing Edwards' thesis): We can all happily agree that human racial classification is of no social value and is positively destructive of social and human relations. That is one reason why I object to ticking boxes on forms and why I object to positive discrimination in job selection. But that doesn't mean that race is of "virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance." This is Edwards's point, and he reasons as follows. However small the racial partition of total variation may be, if such racial characteristics as there are highly correlated with other racial characteristics, they are by definition informative, and therefore of taxonomic significance., JOURNAL, Hunt, James, 24 February 1863, Introductory address on the study of Anthropology, The Anthropological Review, 1, 3, "... we should always remember, that by whatever means the Negro, for instance, acquired his present physical, mental and moral character, whether he has risen from an ape or descended from a perfect man, we still know that the Races of Europe have now much in their mental and moral nature which the races of Africa have not got.",weblink {{harvnb|Desmond|Moore|2009|pages=332–341}}{{harvnb|Ehrlich|Holm|1964}}{{harvnb|Edwards|2003}}Kaplan, Jonathan Michael (January 2011) {{"'}}Race': What Biology Can Tell Us about a Social Construct". In: Encyclopedia of Life Sciences (ELS). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd: ChichesterJOURNAL, Weiss, KM, Fullerton, SM, 2005, Racing around, getting nowhere, Evolutionary Anthropology, 14, 5, 165–69, 10.1002/evan.20079, WEB,weblink New Ideas, New Fuels: Craig Venter at the Oxonian,, 3 November 2008, 2009-04-18, {{harvnb|Fullwiley|2011}}Does race exist? A proponent's perspective. Gill, G. W. (2000) PBS.weblink
  • {{harvnb|Gill|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Armelagos|Smay|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Risch|Burchard|Ziv|Tang|2002}}
  • {{harvnb|Bloche|2004}}
{{harvnb|Gitschier|2005}}{{harvnb|Gordon|1964}}{{Page needed|date=August 2010}}{{harvnb|Graves|2001}}{{page needed|date=September 2015}}{{harvnb|Graves|2001|page=39}}{{harvnb|Graves|2001|pages=42–43}}{{harvnb|Graves|2011}}See:
  • {{harvnb|Cavalli-Sforza|Menozzi|Piazza|1994}}
  • {{harvnb|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004|page=599}}
  • {{harvnb|Tang|Quertermous|Rodriguez|Kardia|2004}}
  • {{harvnb|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}}: "If enough markers are used... individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe."
{{harvnb|Harpending|2006|p=458 "On the other hand, information about the race of patients will be useless as soon as we discover and can type cheaply the underlying genes that are responsible for the associations. Can races be enumerated in any unambiguous way? Of course not, and this is well known not only to scientists but also to anyone on the street."}}{{harvnb|Harris|1980}}WEB,weblink Office of Minority Health,, 16 August 2011, 2012-12-30, yes,weblink" title="">weblink 18 January 2013, {{harvnb|Kahn|2011|p=132 "For example, what are we to make of the fact that African Americans suffer from disproportionately high rates of hypertension, but Africans in Nigeria have among the world's lowest rates of hypertension, far lower than the overwhelmingly white population of Germany? Genetics certainly plays a role in hypertension. But any role it plays in explaining such differences must surely be vanishingly small. (citing Richard Cooper et al., 'An International Comparative Study of Blood Pressure in Populations of European vs. African Descent,' BMC Medicine 3 (January 5, 2005): 2,weblink (accessed March 9, 2010).)"}}JOURNAL, 10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.116, 'Race' Still an Issue for Physical Anthropology? Results of Polish Studies Seen in the Light of the U.S. Findings, 2003, Kaszycka, Katarzyna A., Strziko, January, American Anthropologist, 105, 116–24, 1, See:
  • {{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}
  • {{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}
  • {{harvnb|Long|Kittles|2003}}
  • {{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}
  • {{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}
JOURNAL, etal, Keita, S. O. Y., Kittles, R. A., Royal, C. D. M., Bonney, G. E., Furbert-Harris, P., Dunston, G. M., Rotimi, C. N., Conceptualizing human variation, Nature Genetics, 2004, 36, 11s, S17–S20, 10.1038/ng1455, Religious, cultural, social, national, ethnic, linguistic, genetic, geographical and anatomical groups have been and sometimes still are called 'races', 15507998,weblink 5 September 2015, {{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}{{harvnb|Kennedy|1995}}{{harvnb|King|2007}}: For example, "the association of blacks with poverty and welfare ... is due, not to race per se, but to the link that race has with poverty and its associated disadvantages". p. 75.{{harvnb|Lee|1997}} citing {{harvnb|Morgan|1975}} and {{harvnb|Appiah|1992}}{{harvnb|Lee|Mountain|Koenig|Altman|2008}}{{harvnb|Lee|Mountain|Koenig|Altman|2008}}: "We caution against making the naive leap to a genetic explanation for group differences in complex traits, especially for human behavioral traits such as IQ scores"For examples see:
  • {{harvnb|Lewis|1990}}
  • {{harvnb|Dikötter|1992}}
  • {{harvnb|Lie|2004}}
  • {{harvnb|Thompson|Hickey|2005}}
  • {{harvnb|Gordon|1964}} {{Page needed|date=August 2010}}
  • {{harvnb|AAA|1998}}
  • {{harvnb|Palmié|2007}}
  • {{harvnb|Mevorach|2007}}
  • {{harvnb|Segal|1991}}
  • {{harvnb|Bindon|2005}}
{{harvnb|Lieberman|Kirk|1997|page=195}}{{harvnb|Lieberman|Jackson|1995}}JOURNAL, Lieberman, L., How "Caucasoids" got such big crania and why they shrank. From Morton to Rushton, 14992214, Current Anthropology, 10.1086/318434, 42, 1, February 2001, 69–95, JOURNAL, Lieberman, Leonard, Kirk, Rodney C., Littlefield, Alice, Perishing Paradigm: Race 1931–1999, American Anthropologist, 105, 110–113, 2003, 10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.110, 1, A following article in the same issue questions the precise rate of decline, but from their opposing perspective agrees that the Negroid/Caucasoid/Mongoloid paradigm has fallen into near-total disfavor: JOURNAL, Cartmill, Matt, Brown, Kaye, Surveying the Race Concept: A Reply to Lieberman, Kirk, and Littlefield, American Anthropologist, 105, 114–15, 2003, 10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.114, 1, {{harvnb|Livingstone|Dobzhansky|1962}}{{harvnb|Marks|1995}}{{harvnb|Marks|2002}}{{harvnb|Marks|2008|page=28}}See:
  • {{harvnb|Marks|2002}}
  • {{harvnb|Montagu|1941}}
  • {{harvnb|Montagu|1942}}
{{harvnb|Meltzer|1993}}JOURNAL, 10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238, Race, racism, and academic complicity, 2007, Mevorach, Katya Gibel, American Ethnologist, 34, 238–41, 2, {{harvnb|Molnar|1992}}{{harvnb|Mountain|Risch|2004}}See:
  • {{harvnb|Morgan|1975}} as cited in {{harvnb|Lee|1997|page=407}}
  • {{harvnb|Smedley|2007}}
  • {{harvnb|Sivanandan|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Crenshaw|1988}}
  • {{harvnb|Conley|2007}}
  • {{harvnb|Winfield|2007}}: "It was Aristotle who first arranged all animals into a single, graded scale that placed humans at the top as the most perfect iteration. By the late 19th century, the idea that inequality was the basis of natural order, known as the great chain of being, was part of the common lexicon."
See program announcement and requests for grant applications at the NIH website, at, Lieberman, L., Kaszycka, K. A., Martinez Fuentes, A. J., Yablonsky, L., Kirk, R. C., Strkalj, G., Wang, Q., Sun, L., 28, 2, The race concept in six regions: variation without consensus, December 2004, Coll Antropol, 907–21, 15666627,weblink {{harvnb|Nobles|2000}}WEB,weblink Revisions to the Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity, 19 March 2009, Office of Management and Budget, 30 October 1997, yes,weblink 15 March 2009, Also: U.S. Census Bureau Guidance on the Presentation and Comparison of Race and Hispanic Origin Data and B03002. Hispanic or Latino Origin by Race. 2007 American Community Survey 1-Year EstimatesThe conceptualization and operationalization of race and ethnicity by health services researchers, Susan Moscou, Nursing Inquiry, Volume 15, Issue 2, pp. 94–105, June 2008{{harvnb|Ousley|Jantz|Fried|2009}}{{harvnb|Owens|King|1999}}JOURNAL, 10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205, Genomics, divination, 'racecraft', May 2007, Palmié, Stephan, American Ethnologist, 34, 205–22, 2, WEB,weblink NOVA | Does Race Exist?,, 2012-12-30, {{harvnb|Pigliucci|2013}}The presentation of human biological diversity in sport and exercise science textbooks: the example of "race.", Christopher J. Hallinan, Journal of Sport Behavior, March 1994{{wikicite|ref={{harvid|Bindon|2005}}|reference=Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. "Post World War II". 2005. 28 August 2006.}}{{harvnb|Human Genome Project|2003}}Robert S. Schwartz, "Racial Profiling in Medical Research", The New England Journal of Medicine, 344 (no, 18, 3 May 2001)Reconstructing Race in Science and Society:Biology Textbooks, 1952–2002, Ann Morning, American Journal of Sociology. 2008;114 Suppl:S106-37.JOURNAL, ((Race, Ethnicity, and Genetics Working Group)), The Use of Racial, Ethnic, and Ancestral Categories in Human Genetics Research, American Journal of Human Genetics, October 2005, 77, 4, 519–32, 16175499, 10.1086/491747, 1275602, Frederick P. Rivara and Laurence Finberg, (2001) "Use of the Terms Race and Ethnicity", Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine 155, no. 2 119. "In future issues of the ARCHIVES, we ask authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so. Race or ethnicity should not be used as explanatory variables, when the underlying constructs are variables that can, and should, be measured directly (eg, educational level of subjects, household income of the families, single vs 2-parent households, employment of parents, owning vs renting one's home, and other measures of socioeconomic status). In contrast, the recent attention on decreasing health disparities uses race and ethnicity not as explanatory variables but as ways of examining the underlying sociocultural reasons for these disparities and appropriately targeting attention and resources on children and adolescents with poorer health. In select issues and questions such as these, use of race and ethnicity is appropriate."{{harvnb|Risch|Burchard|Ziv|Tang|2002}}{{harvnb|Sauer|1992}}{{harvnb|Schaefer|2008}}: "In many parts of Latin America, racial groupings are based less on the biological physical features and more on an intersection between physical features and social features such as economic class, dress, education, and context. Thus, a more fluid treatment allows for the construction of race as an achieved status rather than an ascribed status as is the case in the United States"{{harvnb|Sesardic|2010}}See:
  • {{harvnb|Sivanandan|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Muffoletto|2003}}
  • {{harvnb|McNeilly|Anderson|Armstead|Clark|1996}}: Psychiatric instrument called the "Perceived Racism Scale" "provides a measure of the frequency of exposure to many manifestations of racism ... including individual and institutional"; also assesses motional and behavioral coping responses to racism.
  • {{harvnb|Miles|2000}}
  • {{harvnb|Smedley|2002}}
  • {{harvnb|Boas|1912}}
{{harvnb|Sober|2000}}{{harvnb|Stocking|1968|pages=38–40}}JOURNAL, Štrkalj, Goran, The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review,weblink PDF, Anthropologist, 2007, {{harvnb|Takaki|1993}}{{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}{{harvnb|Todorov|1993}}{{harvnb|Waples|Gaggiotti|2006}}{{harvnb|Weiss|2005}}{{harvnb|Willing|2005}}{{harvnb|Wilson|Brown|1953}}{{harvnb|Witherspoon|Wooding|Rogers|Marchani|2007}}{{harvnb|Witzig|1996}}{{harvnb|Wright|1978}}}}


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  • BOOK, Marks, Jonathan, 2008, Race: Past, present and future. Chapter 1, Revisiting Race in a Genomic Age, Barbara, Koenig, Sandra, Soo-Jin Lee, Sarah S., Richardson, Rutgers University Press, harv,
  • BOOK, Mayr, Ernst, Ernst Mayr, 1969, Principles of Systematic Zoology, New York, McGraw-Hill, 0070411433, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Mayr, Ernst, The Biology of Race and the Concept of Equality, Winter 2002, Daedalus, 31, 1, 89–94, MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences, harv, 20027740,
  • JOURNAL, McNeilly, M.D., Anderson, M.B., Armstead, C.A., Clark, R., Corbett, M., Robinson, E.L., 1996, The perceived racism scale: A multidimensional assessment of the experience of white racism among African Americans, Ethnicity & Disease, 6, 1–2, 154–66, harv,
  • BOOK, Meltzer, M., 1993, Slavery: a world history, revised, DaCapo Press, Cambridge, MA, 0306805367, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238, Race, racism, and academic complicity, 2007, Mevorach, Katya Gibel, American Ethnologist, 34, 238–41, harv, 2,
  • BOOK, Miles, Robert, Apropos the idea of race ... again, Theories of race and racism, Les Back, John Solomos, 2000, Psychology Press, 9780415156721, 125–43, harv,
  • BOOK, Molnar, Stephen, Human variation: races, types, and ethnic groups, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1992, 0-13-446162-2, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Montagu, Ashley, 1941, The Concept of Race in The Human Species in the Light of Genetics,weblink PDF, Journal of Heredity, 32, 8, 243–48, harv, 10.1093/oxfordjournals.jhered.a105051,
  • BOOK, Montagu, Ashley, 1997, 1942, Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race, 0803946481, AltaMira Press, paperback, harv,
  • JOURNAL,weblink The Concept of Race, Montagu, Ashley, Ashley Montagu, American Ethnography Quasimonthly, 26 January 2009, 1962, harv,
  • BOOK, Morgan, Edmund S., 1975, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia, W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., harv,
  • JOURNAL, Mountain, Joanna L., Risch, Neil, Assessing genetic contributions to phenotypic differences among 'racial' and 'ethnic' groups, 2004, 10.1038/ng1456,weblink pdf, harv, 15508003, 36, 11 Suppl, S48–53, Nature Genetics,
  • JOURNAL, Muffoletto, Robert, Ethics: A discourse of power, TechTrends, 47, 6, 62–66, 10.1007/BF02763286, 2003, harv, TechTrends,
  • BOOK, Nobles, Melissa, Shades of citizenship: race and the census in modern politics, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 2000, 0-8047-4059-3, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.115, Ossorio, P., Duster, T., 2005, Controversies in biomedical, behavioral, and forensic sciences, Am Psychol, 60, 1, 115–28, 15641926, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Ousley, Stephen, Jantz, Richard, Freid, Donna, Understanding race and human variation: Why forensic anthropologists are good at identifying race, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 18 February 2009, 139, 1, 68–76, 10.1002/ajpa.21006, 19226647, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Owens, K., King, 1999, M.C., Genomic Views of Human History, Science, 10521333, 286, 5439, 451–53, 10.1126/science.286.5439.451, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205, Genomics, divination, 'racecraft', May 2007, Palmié, Stephan, American Ethnologist, 34, 205–22, harv, 2,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1642/0004-8038(2002)119[0026:DVMDOS]2.0.CO;2, Patten, M.A., Unitt, P., 2002, Diagnosability versus mean differences of sage sparrow subspecies, Auk, 119, 1, 26–35, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Pigliucci, Massimo, What are we to make of the concept of race?, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, September 2013, 44, 3, 272–77, 10.1016/j.shpsc.2013.04.008, harv,
  • BOOK, Reardon, Jenny, Race to the finish: identity and governance in an age of genomics, 2005, Princeton University Press, 9780691118574, 17ff,weblink Post World-War II Expert Discourses on Race, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Relethford, John H., Apportionment of global human genetic diversity based on craniometrics and skin color, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, August 2002, 118, 4, 393–98, 10.1002/ajpa.10079, harv, 12124919,weblink
  • JOURNAL, Rosenberg, N.A., Mahajan, S., Ramachandran, S., Zhao, C., Pritchard, J.K., Jonathan K. Pritchard, Feldman, M.W., 10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070, Clines, Clusters, and the Effect of Study Design on the Inference of Human Population Structure, PLoS Genetics, 1, 6, e70, 2005, 16355252, 1310579, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1016/0277-9536(92)90086-6, Sauer, Norman J., 1992, Forensic Anthropology and the Concept of Race: If Races Don't Exist, Why are Forensic Anthropologists So Good at Identifying them, Social Science and Medicine, 34, 2, 107–11, 1738862, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Sesardic, Neven, 2010, Race: A Social Destruction of a Biological Concept, Biology & Philosophy, 25, 143, 10.1007/s10539-009-9193-7, harv, Biology, 143–62,
  • JOURNAL, 10.2307/3032780, 7–9, Segal, Daniel A., 'The European': Allegories of Racial Purity, Anthropology Today, 7, 5, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1991, harv, 3032780,
  • JOURNAL, Serre, D., Pääbo, S., Evidence for gradients of human genetic diversity within and among continents, Genome Res., 14, 9, 1679–85, September 2004, 15342553, 515312, 10.1101/gr.2529604,weblink harv,
  • BOOK, Schaefer, Richard T., 2008, Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity and Society, 1096, Sage, 9781412926942, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Shriver, M.D., Kittles, R.A., 10.1038/nrg1405, Opinion: Genetic ancestry and the search for personalized genetic histories, Nature Reviews Genetics, 5, 8, 611–18, 2004, 15266343,
  • BOOK, Sivanandan, A., L., Black, 2000, Apropos the idea of 'race' ... again", J Solomos, Theories of Race and Racism, 125–43, London, Routledge, harv,
  • BOOK, Slotkin, J.S., 1965, Readings in early Anthropology, Methuen Publishing, The Eighteenth Century,weblink 175–243, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Smaje, Chris, 1997, Not just a social construct: Theorising race and ethnicity, Sociology, 31, 2, 307–27, 10.1177/0038038597031002007, harv,
  • BOOK, Smedley, A., 1999, Race in North America: origin and evolution of a worldview, 2nd, Westview Press, Boulder, 0813334489, harv,
  • BOOK, Race and Intelligence: Separating Science from Myth, Jefferson M., Fish, Science and the Idea of Race: A Brief History, Smedley, Audrey, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ, 2002, 172, 0805837574, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Smedley, A., Smedley, B.D., Race as biology is fiction, racism as a social problem is real: Anthropological and historical perspectives on the social construction of race, American Psychologist, 60, 1, 16–26, January 2005, 15641918, 10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.16, harv,weblink
  • BOOK, Sober, Elliott, 2000, Philosophy of biology, 2nd, Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 978-0813391267, harv,
  • BOOK, Stanton, W., 1960, 1982, The leopard's spots: scientific attitudes toward race in America, 1815–1859, 0226771229, University of Chicago Press,
  • BOOK, Stocking, George W., Race, Culture and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology, 1968, 380, 9780226774947, University of Chicago Press, harv,
  • BOOK, Takaki, R, 1993, A different mirror: a history of multicultural America, Little, Brown, Boston, 0316831123, paperback, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Hua, Tang, Tom, Quertermous, Beatriz, Rodriguez, Sharon L.R., Kardia, Xiaofeng, Zhu, Andrew, Brown, James S., Pankow, Michael A., Province, Steven C., Hunt, Eric, Boerwinkle, Nicholas J., Schork, Neil J., Risch, Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies, 10.1086/427888, The American Journal of Human Genetics, 76, 268–75, 2005, 15625622, 1196372, 2, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632, Templeton, A.R., 1998, Human races: a genetic and evolutionary perspective, Am Anthropol, 100, 3, 632–50, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1016/j.shpsc.2013.04.010, 1369-8486, 44, 3, 262–71, Templeton, Alan R., Biological Races in Humans, Studies in history and philosophy of biological and biomedical sciences, September 2013, 23684745, 3737365, harv,
  • BOOK, Thompson, William, Hickey, Joseph, 2005, Society in Focus, Pearson, Boston, 0-205-41365-X, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1038/ng1438, Implications of biogeography of human populations for 'race' and medicine, 2004, Tishkoff, Sarah A., Kidd, Kenneth K., Nature Genetics, 36, S21, 15507999, 11 Suppl, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Travassos, Claudia, Williams, David R., The concept and measurement of race and their relationship to public health: a review focused on Brazil and the United States, Cadernos de Saúde Pública, June 2004, 20, 3, 660–78, 10.1590/S0102-311X2004000300003,weblink harv,
  • BOOK, Todorov, T, 1993, On human diversity, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 0674634381, harv,
  • BOOK, von Vacano, Diego, The Color of Citizenship: Race, Modernity and Latin American/Hispanic Political Thought, Oxford University Press, 2011,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1111/j.1365-294X.2006.02890.x, What is a population? An empirical evaluation of some genetic methods for identifying the number of gene pools and their degree of connectivity, 2006, Waples, Robin S., Gaggiotti, Oscar, Molecular Ecology, 15, 1419–39, 16629801, 6, harv,weblink
  • WEB, 16 December 2005, Rick, Weiss,weblink Scientists Find a DNA Change That Accounts for Light Skin, The Washington Post, harv,
  • NEWS,weblink DNA tests offer clues to suspect's race, Richard, Willing, USA Today, 16 August 2005, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.2307/2411818, Wilson, E.O., Brown, W.L., 1953, The Subspecies Concept and Its Taxonomic Application, Systematic Zoology, 2, 3, 97–110, 2411818, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1038/ng761, Wilson, J.F., Weale, ME, Smith, A.C., Gratrix, F., Fletcher, B., Thomas, M.G., Bradman, N., Goldstein, D.B., 2001, Population genetic structure of variable drug response, Nat Genet, 29, 3, 265–69, 11685208, harv,
  • BOOK, Winfield, A.G., 2007, Eugenics and education in America: Institutionalized racism and the implications of history, ideology, and memory, 45–46, New York, Peter Lang Publishing, Inc, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Witherspoon, D.J., Wooding, S., Rogers, A.R., Marchani, E.E., Watkins, W. S., Batzer, M.A., Jorde, L.B., 10.1534/genetics.106.067355, Genetic Similarities Within and Between Human Populations, Genetics, 176, 1, 351–59, 2007, 17339205, 1893020, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Witzig, R, The medicalization of race: scientific legitimization of a flawed social construct., Annals of Internal Medicine, 15 October 1996, 125, 8, 675–79, 8849153, harv, 10.7326/0003-4819-125-8-199610150-00008,
  • BOOK, Wright, Sewall, 1978, Evolution and the Genetics of Populations, 4, Variability Within and Among Natural Populations, Univ. Chicago Press, Chicago, 438, harv,
  • JOURNAL, 10.1016/j.ygeno.2010.07.004, 20643205, 0888-7543, 96, 4, 199–210, Xing, Jinchuan, Watkins, W. Scott, Shlien, Adam, Walker, Erin, Huff, Chad D., Witherspoon, David J., Zhang, Yuhua, Simonson, Tatum S., Weiss, Robert B., Schiffman, Joshua D., Malkin, David, Woodward, Scott R., Jorde, Lynn B., Toward a more uniform sampling of human genetic diversity: A survey of worldwide populations by high-density genotyping, Genomics, 2016-02-10, 2010,weblink {{harvid, Xing, et. al., 2010, | pmc=2945611}}

Further reading

  • BOOK, Anemone, Robert L., Race and Human Diversity: A Biocultural Approach, Prentice Hall, 2011, Upper Saddle River, NJ, 0-131-83876-8,
  • JOURNAL, Cartmill, Matt, The status of the race concept in physical anthropology, American Anthropologist, 100, 3, 651–60, American Anthropological Association, 1998,weblink 10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.651,
  • BOOK, James, Michael, Zalta, Edward N., The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Spring 2017,weblink Race,
  • JOURNAL, Jorde, LB, Wooding, SP, Genetic variation, classification and 'race', Nat. Genet., 36, 11 Suppl, S28–33, November 2004, 15508000, 10.1038/ng1435, harv,
  • JOURNAL, Lieberman, Leonard, Hampton, Raymond E., Littlefield, Alice, Hallead, Glen, 1992, Race in Biology and Anthropology: A Study of College Texts and Professors, Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 29, 3, 301–21, 1992JRScT..29..301L, 10.1002/tea.3660290308,
  • JOURNAL, Smedley, Audrey, The History of the Idea of Race... and Why It Matters, presented at the conference "Race, Human Variation and Disease: Consensus and Frontiers" sponsored by the American Anthropological Association, 14 March 2007,weblink harv,
  • WEB, UNESCO and Its Programme: The Race Question, UNESCO, 1950, Paris, Publication 791,weblink
  • BOOK, Wade, Peter, Race, Nature and Culture : An anthropological perspective, 2002, Pluto Press, London, 0-74-531459-7,
  • BOOK, What's the Use of Race?: Modern Governance and the Biology of Difference, Whitmarsh, Ian, Jones, David S., 2010, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 978-0-262-51424-8,weblink 28 April 2013, harv, This review of current research includes chapters by Ian Whitmarsh, David S. Jones, Jonathan Kahn, Pamela Sankar, Steven Epstein, Simon M. Outram, George T. H. Ellison, Richard Tutton, Andrew Smart, Richard Ashcroft, Paul Martin, George T. H. Ellison, Amy Hinterberger, Joan H. Fujimura, Ramya Rajagopalan, Pilar N. Ossorio, Kjell A. Doksum, Jay S. Kaufman, Richard S. Cooper, Angela C. Jenks, Nancy Krieger, and Dorothy Roberts.

Popular press

  • MAGAZINE, Dawkins, Richard, Race and creation,weblink Prospect, 23 October 2004, Richard Dawkins, Extract from The Ancestor's Tale: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Evolution. {{isbn|978-0-61-861916-0}}.
  • NEWS, Leroi, Armand Marie, A Family Tree in Every Gene,weblink The New York Times, 14 March 2005,
  • WEB, The Nature of Normal Human Variety: A Talk with Armand Marie Leroi,weblink Edge Foundation, Inc., 13 March 2005,
  • MAGAZINE,weblink The Myth of Race, Medicine Magazine, 2007, usurped,weblink" title="">weblink 1 January 2009,

External links

{{Commons category|race}}

Official statements

  • weblink" title="">US Census Bureau: Definition of Race
  • weblink" title="">"Standards for Maintaining, Collecting, and Presenting Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity", Federal Register, 1997, Department of Interior
  • RACE: Are we so different?, a public education program by the American Anthropological Association.
{{Ethnicity}}{{Historical definitions of race}}{{Authority control}}

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