Operation Cyclone

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Operation Cyclone
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{{about||the Allied invasion of Noemfoor in 1944, also known as Operation Cyclone|Battle of Noemfoor}}{{Use dmy dates|date = April 2019}}{{operational plan| name = Operation Cyclone| partof = Soviet–Afghan War| image =| caption = Jimmy Carter standing with Zbigniew Brzezinski.| scope = Weapons sales, financing of Afghan Mujahideen forces.| type = Covert operation| location = Afghanistan| planned_by = Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)| objective = Arm, train and finance the mujahideen
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan>Government of Afghanistan and USSR invasion force| date = 1979–1989| outcome =
  • Delivery of thousands of tons of weaponry worth billions of US dollars.
  • Eventual Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan.
  • Continued funding for Mujahideen during Civil War period 1989-1992.
}}{{Covert United States involvement in regime change}}Operation Cyclone was the code name for the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) program to arm and finance the mujahideen, in Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989, prior to and during the military intervention by the USSR in support of its client, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The program leaned heavily towards supporting militant Islamic groups that were favored by the regime of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq in neighboring Pakistan, rather than other, less ideological Afghan resistance groups that had also been fighting the Marxist-oriented Democratic Republic of Afghanistan regime since before the Soviet intervention.Bergen, Peter, Holy War Inc., Free Press, (2001), p.68 Operation Cyclone was one of the longest and most expensive covert CIA operations ever undertaken;NEWS, The Oily Americans, 13 May 2003,weblink Time (magazine), Time, 2008-07-08, Donald L., Barlett, James B., Steele, funding began with just over $500,000 in 1979, was increased dramatically to $20–$30 million per year in 1980 and rose to $630 million per year in 1987. Funding continued after 1989 as the mujahideen battled the forces of Mohammad Najibullah's PDPA during the civil war in Afghanistan (1989–1992).Crile, p 519 & elsewhere


Communists under the leadership of Nur Muhammad Taraki seized power in Afghanistan on April 27, 1978.BOOK, Kaplan, Robert D., Soldiers of God: With Islamic Warriors in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Knopf Doubleday, 2008, 9780307546982, 115–117, The new regime—which was divided between Taraki's extremist Khalq faction and the more moderate Parcham—signed a treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union in December of that year.BOOK, Kepel, Gilles, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam, I.B. Tauris, 2006, 9781845112578, 138–139, 142–144, Taraki's efforts to improve secular education and redistribute land were accompanied by mass executions (including many conservative religious leaders) and political oppression unprecedented in Afghan history, igniting a revolt by mujahideen rebels. Following a general uprising in April 1979, Taraki was deposed by Khalq rival Hafizullah Amin in September. Amin was considered a "brutal psychopath" by foreign observers; the Soviets were particularly alarmed by the brutality of the late Khalq regime, and suspected Amin of being an agent of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), although that was not the case.BOOK, Blight, James G., Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2012, 978-1-4422-0830-8, 69–70, By December, Amin's government had lost control of much of the country, prompting the Soviet Union to invade Afghanistan, execute Amin, and install Parcham leader Babrak Karmal as president.In the mid-1970s, Pakistani intelligence officials began privately lobbying the U.S. and its allies to send material assistance to the Islamist insurgents. Pakistani President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's ties with the U.S. had been strained during Jimmy Carter's presidency due to Pakistan's nuclear program and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in April 1979, but Carter told National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance as early as January 1979 that it was vital to "repair our relationships with Pakistan" in light of the unrest in Iran. According to former CIA official Robert Gates, "the Carter administration turned to CIA ... to counter Soviet and Cuban aggression in the Third World, particularly beginning in mid-1979." In March 1979, "CIA sent several covert action options relating to Afghanistan to the SCC Special Coordination Committee]" of the United States National Security Council. At a March 30 meeting, U.S. Department of Defense representative Walter B. Slocombe "asked if there was value in keeping the Afghan insurgency going, 'sucking the Soviets into a Vietnamese quagmire?'"BOOK, Robert Gates, Gates, Robert, From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War, Simon & Schuster, 2007, 9781416543367, 142, 144–145, When asked to clarify this remark, Slocombe explained: "Well, the whole idea was that if the Soviets decided to strike at this tar baby [Afghanistan] we had every interest in making sure that they got stuck."WEB, White, John Bernell,weblink The Strategic Mind Of Zbigniew Brzezinski: How A Native Pole Used Afghanistan To Protect His Homeland, May 2012, 2017-10-10, 7–8, 12, 29, 45–46, 80–83, 97, Yet an April 5 memo from National Intelligence Officer Arnold Horelick warned: "Covert action would raise the costs to the Soviets and inflame Moslem opinion against them in many countries. The risk was that a substantial U.S. covert aid program could raise the stakes and induce the Soviets to intervene more directly and vigorously than otherwise intended." In May 1979, U.S. officials secretly began meeting with rebel leaders through Pakistani government contacts. A former Pakistani military official claimed that he personally introduced a CIA official to Gulbuddin Hekmatyar that month (Freedom of Information Act requests for records describing these meetings have been denied).WEB,weblink Afghanistan: Lessons from the Last War, Michael, Evans,, 11 March 2018, Additional meetings were held on April 6 and July 3, and on the same day as the second meeting, Carter signed a "presidential 'finding'" that "authorized the CIA to spend just over $500,000" on non-lethal aid to the mujahideen, which "seemed at the time a small beginning."Brzezinski later claimed that "We didn't push the Russians to intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would."David N. Gibbs, "Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion in Retrospect" International Politics 37:233 - 246, June 2000WEB,weblink Afgantsy: The Russians in Afghanistan 1979-89, Rodric, Braithwaite, 11 September 2013, Oxford University Press, 11 March 2018, Google Books, cf. WEB,weblink'Grand-Chessboard'-Pt2, The Afghan war and the 'Grand Chessboard' Pt2, The Real News, 2010-01-15, 2017-02-16, According to Brzezinski, he became convinced by mid-1979 that the Soviets were going to invade Afghanistan regardless of U.S. policy due to the Carter administration's failure to respond aggressively to Soviet activity in Africa, but—despite the risk of unintended consequences—support for the mujahideen could be an effective way to prevent Soviet aggression beyond Afghanistan (particularly in Brzezinski's native Poland). The full significance of the U.S. sending aid to the mujahideen prior to the invasion is debated among scholars. Some assert that it directly, and even deliberately, provoked the Soviets to send in troops.WEB,weblink Orchestrating the Instruments of Power: A Critical Examination of the U. S. National Security System, Worley, Duane Robert, Worley, 15 July 2015, U of Nebraska Press, 11 March 2018, Google Books, WEB,weblink Faithful Education: Madrassahs in South Asia, Ali, Riaz, 11 March 2018, Rutgers University Press, 11 March 2018, Google Books, WEB,weblink America's War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History, Andrew J., Bacevich, 5 April 2016, Random House Publishing Group, 11 March 2018, Google Books, JOURNAL,weblink Empire's Ally: Canada and the War in Afghanistan, Jerome Klassen and Greg Albo , eds., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012, pp. 432., Tyler, Shipley, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 47, 1, 201–202, 11 March 2018, Cambridge Core, 10.1017/S0008423914000055, Gilles Kepel, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam (Harvard University Press, 2002), p.394 Bruce Riedel, however, believes that the U.S. aid was intended primarily to improve U.S. relations with Pakistan, while Steve Coll asserts: "Contemporary memos—particularly those written in the first days after the Soviet invasion—make clear that while Brzezinski was determined to confront the Soviets in Afghanistan through covert action, he was also very worried the Soviets would prevail. ... Given this evidence and the enormous political and security costs that the invasion imposed on the Carter administration, any claim that Brzezinski lured the Soviets into Afghanistan warrants deep skepticism."BOOK, Steve Coll, Coll, Steve, Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001, Penguin Group, 2004, 9781594200076, 46, 581, cf. WEB, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Brzezinski, Zbigniew,weblink Reflections on Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan, 1979-12-26, 2017-02-16, Carter himself has stated that encouraging a Soviet invasion was "not my intention."WEB, Eric Alterman, Alterman, Eric,weblink 'Blowback,' the Prequel, The Nation, 2001-10-25, 2017-02-16, Gates recounted: "No one in the Carter Administration wanted the Soviets to invade Afghanistan and no one, as I can recall at least, ever advocated attempting to induce them to invade ... Only after the Soviet invasion did some advocate making the Soviets 'bleed' in their own Vietnam."Carter expressed surprise at the invasion. According to Riedel, the consensus of the U.S. intelligence community during 1978 and 1979—reiterated as late as September 29, 1979—was that "Moscow would not intervene in force even if it appeared likely that the Khalq government was about to collapse." Indeed, Carter's diary entries from November 1979 until the Soviet invasion in late December contain only two short references to Afghanistan, and are instead preoccupied with the ongoing hostage crisis in Iran.BOOK, Bruce Riedel, Riedel, Bruce, What We Won: America's Secret War in Afghanistan, 1979–1989, Brookings Institution Press, 2014, 978-0815725954, ix-xi, 21–22, 93, 98–99, 105, In the West, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was considered a threat to global security and the oil supplies of the Persian Gulf. Moreover, the failure to accurately predict Soviet intentions caused American officials to reappraise the Soviet threat to both Iran and Pakistan, although it is now known that those fears were overblown. For example, U.S. intelligence closely followed Soviet exercises for an invasion of Iran throughout 1980, while an earlier warning from Brzezinski that "if the Soviets came to dominate Afghanistan, they could promote a separate Baluchistan ... [thus] dismembering Pakistan and Iran" took on new urgency.In the aftermath of the invasion, Carter was determined to respond vigorously. In a televised speech, he announced sanctions on the Soviet Union, promised renewed aid to Pakistan, and committed the U.S. to the Persian Gulf's defense. Carter also called for a boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, which raised a bitter controversy.BOOK, Toohey, Kristine, The Olympic Games: A Social Science Perspective,weblink November 8, 2007, CABI, 978-1-84593-355-5, 100, British prime minister Margaret Thatcher enthusiastically backed Carter's tough stance, although British intelligence believed "the CIA was being too alarmist about the Soviet threat to Pakistan." The thrust of U.S. policy for the duration of the war was determined by Carter in early 1980: Carter initiated a program to arm the mujahideen through Pakistan's ISI and secured a pledge from Saudi Arabia to match U.S. funding for this purpose. U.S. support for the mujahideen accelerated under Carter's successor, Ronald Reagan, at a final cost to U.S. taxpayers of some $3 billion. The Soviets were unable to quell the insurgency and withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989, precipitating the dissolution of the Soviet Union itself. However, the decision to route U.S. aid through Pakistan led to massive fraud, as weapons sent to Karachi were frequently sold on the local market rather than delivered to the Afghan rebels; Karachi soon "became one of the most violent cities in the world." Pakistan also controlled which rebels received assistance: Of the seven mujahideen groups supported by Zia's government, four espoused Islamic fundamentalist beliefs—and these fundamentalists received most of the funding. Despite this, Carter has expressed no regrets over his decision to support what he still considers the "freedom fighters" in Afghanistan.Although Gates described Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) Stansfield Turner and the CIA's Directorate of Operations (DO) as contemplating "several enhancement options"—up to and including the direct provision of arms from the U.S. to the mujahideen through the ISI—as early as late August 1979,BOOK, Robert Gates, Gates, Robert, From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War, Simon & Schuster, 2007, 9781416543367, 146–147, By the end of August, Pakistani President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq was pressuring the United States for arms and equipment for the insurgents in Afghanistan. ... Separately, the Pakistani intelligence service was pressing us to provide military equipment to support an expanding insurgency. When Turner heard this, he urged the DO to get moving in providing more help to the insurgents. They responded with several enhancement options, including communications equipment for the insurgents via the Pakistanis or Saudis, funds for the Pakistanis to purchase lethal military equipment for the insurgents, and providing a like amount of lethal equipment ourselves for the Pakistanis to distribute to the insurgents. On Christmas Eve and Christmas Day, 1979, the Soviets intervened massively in Afghanistan. A covert action that began six months earlier funded at just over half a million dollars would, within a year, grow to tens of millions, and most assuredly included the provision of weapons., and an unnamed Brzezinski aide acknowledged in conversation with Selig S. Harrison that the U.S.'s nominally "non-lethal" assistance to the mujahideen included facilitating arms shipments by third-parties,BOOK, Selig S. Harrison, Harrison, Selig S., How The Soviet Union Stumbled into Afghanistan, Out of Afghanistan: The Inside Story of the Soviet Withdrawal, Oxford University Press, 1995, 9780195362688, 37–38, Herat strengthened Brzezinski's argument that the rebels enjoyed indigenous support and merited American help. In April, he relates in his memoirs, 'I pushed a decision through the SCC to be more sympathetic to those Afghans who were determined to preserve their country's independence. [Walter] Walter Mondale, Mondale was especially helpful in this, giving a forceful pep talk, mercilessly squelching the rather timid opposition of David D. Newsom, David Newsom.' Brzezinski deliberately avoided saying whether the upgraded program included weapons, since Moscow has long sought to justify its invasion by accusing Washington of destabilizing Afghanistan during 1978 and 1979. Strictly speaking, one of his aides later told me, it was not an American weapons program, but it was designed to help finance, orchestrate, and facilitate weapons purchases and related assistance by others., Coll, Harrison, Riedel, and the head of the DO's Near East–South Asia Division at the time—Charles Cogan—all state that no U.S.-supplied arms intended for the mujahideen reached Pakistan until January 1980, after Carter amended his presidential finding to include lethal provisions in late December 1979.BOOK, Steve Coll, Coll, Steve, (Ghost Wars, Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001), Penguin Group, 2004, 9781594200076, 58, The CIA's mission was spelled out in an amended Top Secret presidential finding signed by Carter in late December 1979 and reauthorized by President Ronald Reagan, Reagan in 1981. The finding permitted the CIA to ship weapons secretly to the mujahedin., BOOK, Selig S. Harrison, Harrison, Selig S., Soviet Occupation, Afghan Resistance, and the American Response, Out of Afghanistan: The Inside Story of the Soviet Withdrawal, Oxford University Press, 1995, 9780195362688, 53, Within days of the invasion, President Carter made a series of symbolic gestures to invoke American outrage ... No longer skittish about a direct American role in providing weapons support to the Afghan resistance, Carter also gave the CIA the green light for an American–orchestrated covert assistance program to be financed in part by congressional appropriations and in part with Saudi Arabian help., BOOK, Bruce Riedel, Riedel, Bruce, What We Won: America's Secret War in Afghanistan, 1979–1989, Brookings Institution Press, 2014, 978-0815725954, 106, As the president was jogging on February 12, 1980, his press secretary, Jody Powell, interrupted his run to tell him that the Washington Post had a story in the works about the CIA's operation to feed arms to the mujahideen rebels through Pakistan. In short, less than a month after the first arms arrived in Karachi, the secret was about to be published by the media. As Carter noted, the Pakistanis 'would be highly embarrassed.' Secretary Vance appealed to the Post to hold the story, but it ran a few days later, watered down a bit., BOOK, Blight, James G., Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988, 2012, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 978-1-4422-0830-8, etal, 19, 66, Charles Cogan: There were no lethal provisions given to the Afghans before the Soviet invasion. There was a little propaganda, communication assistance, and so on at the instigation of the ISI. But after the Soviet invasion everything changed. The first weapons for the Afghans arrived in Pakistan on the tenth of January, fourteen days after the invasion. Shortly after the invasion, we got into the discussions with the Saudis that you just mentioned. And then when [William J.] William J. Casey, Casey became DCI under Reagan at the beginning of 1981, the price tag went through the ceiling.,


File:Mujahid-MANPAD.JPEG|thumb|right|250px|A mujahideen resistance fighter shoots an SA-7SA-7President Reagan greatly expanded the program as part of the Reagan Doctrine of aiding anti-Soviet resistance movements abroad. To execute this policy, Reagan deployed CIA Special Activities Division paramilitary officers to equip the Mujihadeen forces against the Soviet Army. Although the CIA and Texas Congressman Charlie Wilson have received the most attention for their roles, the key architect of the strategy was Michael G. Vickers, a young CIA paramilitary officer working for Gust Avrakotos, the CIA's regional head who had a close relationship with Wilson. Vicker's strategy was to use a broad mix of weapons, tactics, logistics, along with training programs, to enhance the rebels' ability to fight a guerilla war against the Soviets.Crile, George (2003). (Charlie Wilson's War: The Extraordinary Story of the Largest Covert Operation in History). Atlantic Monthly Press, page 246, 285 and 302"Sorry Charlie this is Michael Vickers's War", Washington Post, 27 December 2007 Reagan's program assisted in ending the Soviet occupation in Afghanistan.WEB,weblink Anatomy of a Victory: CIA’s Covert Afghan War — Global Issues,, 11 March 2018, Victory: The Reagan Administration's Secret Strategy That Hastened the Collapse of the Soviet Union (Paperback)by Peter Schweizer, Atlantic Monthly Press, 1994 page 213 A Pentagon senior official, Michael Pillsbury, successfully advocated providing Stinger missiles to the Afghan resistance, according to recent books and academic articles.BOOK, Philip, Heymann, Living the Policy Process, Oxford University Press, 2008, 0-19-533539-2, Philip Heymann, The program relied heavily on the Pakistani President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, who had a close relationship with Wilson. His Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was an intermediary for funds distribution, passing of weapons, military training and financial support to Afghan resistance groups.Pakistan's Foreign Policy: an Overview 1974-2004. PILDAT briefing paper for Pakistani parliamentarians by Hasan-Askari Rizvi, 2004. pp19-20. Along with funding from similar programs from Britain's MI6 and SAS, Saudi Arabia, and the People's Republic of China,Interview with Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski-(13/6/97). Part 2. Episode 17. Good Guys, Bad Guys. 13 June 1997. the ISI armed and trained over 100,000 insurgents between 1978 and 1992 {{Citation needed|date=May 2013}}. They encouraged the volunteers from the Arab states to join the Afghan resistance in its struggle against the Soviet troops based in Afghanistan.All support to the Sunni Mujahideen was funneled through the government of Pakistan, given that the Shiite Mujahideen had close ties to Iran at the time. Given American-Iranian tensions during the period, the US government aided solely the Sunni Mujahideen in Afghanistan.Reports show civilian personnel from the U.S. Department of State and the CIA frequently visited the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area during this time, and the US contributed generously to aiding Afghan refugees. CIA director William Casey secretly visited Pakistan numerous times to meet with the ISI officers managing the mujahideen,Howard B. Schaffer, Teresita C. Schaffer, How Pakistan Negotiates with the United States: Riding the Roller Coaster (US Institute of Peace Press, 2011), p. 131 and personally observed the guerrillas training on at least one occasion.Steve Coll, "Anatomy of a Victory: CIA's Covert Afghan War" Washington Post, July 19, 1992 Coll reports thatCasey startled his Pakistani hosts by proposing that they take the Afghan war into enemy territory -- into the Soviet Union itself. Casey wanted to ship subversive propaganda through Afghanistan to the Soviet Union's predominantly Muslim southern republics. The Pakistanis agreed, and the CIA soon supplied thousands of Korans, as well as books on Soviet atrocities in Uzbekistan and tracts on historical heroes of Uzbek nationalism, according to Pakistani and Western officials.Other direct points of contact between the US government and mujahideen include the CIA flying Hekmatyar to the United States,Anna Mulrine, "Afghan Warlords, Formerly Backed By the CIA, Now Turn Their Guns On U.S. Troops" US World and News Report, July 11, 2008 where he was hosted by State Department official Zalmay Khalizad.WEB,weblink Hekmatyar's never-ending Afghan war, Mujib, Mashal,, 11 March 2018, Hekmatyar was invited to meet with President Reagan but refused, and was replaced at the White House's October 1985 conference with mujahideen by Younis Khalis, who publicly invited Reagan to convert to Islam.Zalmay Khalizad, "Mujahedeen and the Halls of Power" in The Envoy: From Kabul to the White House, My Journey in a Turbulent World (St. Martin's Press, 2016) CIA agent Howard Hart developed a personal relationship with Abdul HaqSteve Coll, Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan and Bin Laden which led to the Afghan meeting both Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.WEB,weblink Soldiers of God: With Islamic Warriors in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Robert D., Kaplan, 24 December 2008, Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 11 March 2018, Google Books, Peter Tomsen, The Wars of Afghanistan (Public Affairs, 2013), p. 16 Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Armitage regularly met with mujahideen, particularly Burhanuddin Rabbani.WEB,weblink Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet, James, Mann, Jim, Mann, 11 March 2018, Penguin, 11 March 2018, Google Books, CIA agents are also known to have given direct cash payments to Jalaluddin Haqqani.Vahid Brown, Don Rassler, Fountainhead of Jihad: The Haqqani Nexus, 1973-2012 (Oxford University Press, 2013), pg. 68-69The U.S.-built Stinger antiaircraft missile, supplied to the mujahideen in very large numbers beginning in 1986, struck a decisive blow to the Soviet war effort as it allowed the lightly armed Afghans to effectively defend against Soviet helicopter landings in strategic areas. The Stingers were so renowned and deadly that, in the 1990s, the U.S. conducted a "buy-back" program to keep unused missiles from falling into the hands of anti-American terrorists. This program may have been covertly renewed following the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan in late 2001, out of fear that remaining Stingers could be used against U.S. forces in the country.WEB, Afghanistan: Kabul Confirms New Effort To Buy Back U.S.-Built Stinger Missiles,weblink On 20 July 1987, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country was announced pursuant to the negotiations that led to the Geneva Accords of 1988,WEB,weblink United Nations Good Offices Mission in Afghanistan and Pakistan - Background, United Nations, 2008-11-21, with the last Soviets leaving on 15 February 1989. Soviet forces suffered over 14,000 killed and missing, and over 50,000 wounded.{{cn|date=July 2019}}


File:Reagan sitting with people from the Afghanistan-Pakistan region in February 1983.jpg|thumb|President Reagan meeting with Afghan Mujahideen leaders in the Oval OfficeOval Office{{see also|Reagan Doctrine}}The U.S. offered two packages of economic assistance and military sales to support Pakistan's role in the war against the Soviet troops in Afghanistan. The first six-year assistance package (1981–87) amounted to US$3.2 billion, equally divided between economic assistance and military sales. The U.S. also sold 40 F-16 aircraft to Pakistan during 1983–87 at a cost of $1.2 billion outside the assistance package. The second six-year assistance package (1987–93) amounted to $4.2 billion. Out of this, $2.28 billion were allocated for economic assistance in the form of grants or loan that carried the interest rate of 2–3 per cent. The rest of the allocation ($1.74 billion) was in the form of credit for military purchases. More than $20 billion in U.S. funds were funneled into the country to train and arm the Afghan resistance groups.ENCYCLOPEDIA, The Oxford Encyclopedia of American Military and Diplomatic History, 8 January 2013, Oxford University Press, 0199759251, 219, Cold War (1945-1991): External Course, The program funding was increased yearly due to lobbying by prominent U.S. politicians and government officials, such as Charles Wilson, Gordon Humphrey, Fred Ikle, and William Casey. Under the Reagan administration, U.S. support for the Afghan mujahideen evolved into a centerpiece of U.S. foreign policy, called the Reagan Doctrine, in which the U.S. provided military and other support to anti-communist resistance movements in Afghanistan, Angola, and Nicaragua.{{cn|date=July 2019}}The mujahideen benefited from expanded foreign military support from the United States, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and other Muslim nations. Saudi Arabia in particular agreed to match dollar for dollar the money the CIA was sending to the Mujahideen. When Saudi payments were late, Wilson and Avrakotos would fly to Saudi Arabia to persuade the monarchy to fulfill its commitments.Crile, see indexLevels of support to the various Afghan factions varied. The ISI tended to favor vigorous Islamists like Hekmatyar's Hezb-i-Islami and Haqqani. Some Americans agreed.Edward Girardet, Killing the Cranes, 2010, Chelsea Green However others favored the relative moderates like Ahmed Shah Massoud. These included two Heritage Foundation foreign policy analysts, Michael Johns and James A. Phillips, both of whom championed Massoud as the Afghan resistance leader most worthy of US support under the Reagan Doctrine."Winning the Endgame in Afghanistan," by James A. Phillips, The Heritage Foundation Backgrounder #181, 18 May 1992. {{webarchive|url= |date=18 January 2006 }}WEB,weblink Charlie Wilson's War Was Really America's War, 11 March 2018, "Think tank fosters bloodshed, terrorism," The Daily Cougar, 25 August 2008.


The U.S. shifted its interest from Afghanistan after the withdrawal of Soviet troops. American funding of Hekmatyar and his Hezb-i-Islami party was cut off immediately.Kepel, Jihad, (2002) The U.S. also reduced its assistance for Afghan refugees in Pakistan.{{cn|date=July 2019}}In October 1990, U.S. President George H. W. Bush refused to certify that Pakistan did not possess a nuclear explosive device, triggering the imposition of sanctions against Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment (1985) in the Foreign Assistance Act. This disrupted the second assistance package offered in 1987 and discontinued economic assistance and military sales to Pakistan with the exception of the economic assistance already on its way to Pakistan. Military sales and training programs were abandoned as well and some of the Pakistani military officers under training in the U.S. were asked to return home.As late as 1991 Charlie Wilson persuaded the House Intelligence Committee to give the Mujahideen $200 million for fiscal year 1992. With the matching funds from Saudi Arabia, this amounted to a contribution of $400 million for that year. Afghan tribes were also delivered weapons which the US captured from Iraq in the Gulf War.BOOK,weblink$200+million+for+fiscal+year+1992&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwivwa-o7PTaAhVSjlkKHRu-C2EQ6AEIMTAC#v=onepage&q=House%20Intelligence%20Committee.%20afghanistan.%20$200%20million%20for%20fiscal%20year%201992&f=false, The Mammoth Book of Covert Ops: True Stories of Covert Military Operations, from the Bay of Pigs to the Death of Osama bin Laden, Lewis, Jon E., 2014-01-16, Little, Brown Book Group, 9781780337869, en, "Charlie Wilson's Real War",


File:National Park Service 9-11 Statue of Liberty and WTC fire.jpg|200px|thumb|Critics assert that funding the mujahideen played a role in causing the September 11 attacksSeptember 11 attacksThe U.S. government has been criticized for allowing Pakistan to channel a disproportionate amount of its funding to the controversial Hekmatyar,Bergen, Peter, Holy War Inc., Free Press, (2001), p.67 who Pakistani officials believed was "their man".Graham Fuller in interview with Peter Bergen, Bergen, Peter, Holy War Inc., Free Press, (2001), p.68 Hekmatyar has been criticized for killing other mujahideen and attacking civilian populations, including shelling Kabul with American-supplied weapons, causing 2,000 casualties. Hekmatyar was said to be friendly with Osama bin Laden, founder of al-Qaeda, who was running an operation for assisting "Afghan Arab" volunteers fighting in Afghanistan, called Maktab al-Khadamat. Alarmed by his behavior, Pakistan leader General Zia warned Hekmatyar, "It was Pakistan that made him an Afghan leader and it is Pakistan who can equally destroy him if he continues to misbehave."Henry S. Bradsher, Afghan Communism and Soviet Interventions, Oxford University Press, 1999, p.185The CIA and State Department have been criticized for their direct relationship with Hekmatyar, beyond ISI contact, in spite of his being one of the leading heroin smugglers in the region.WEB,weblink War and State Terrorism: The United States, Japan, and the Asia-Pacific in the Long Twentieth Century, Mark, Selden, Alvin Y., So, 26 October 2004, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 11 March 2018, Google Books, In the late 1980s, Pakistani prime minister Benazir Bhutto, concerned about the growing strength of the Islamist movement, told President George H. W. Bush, "You are creating a Frankenstein.""The Road to September 11". Evan Thomas. Newsweek. 1 October 2001.

Alleged connections of CIA assistance to Bin Laden

Some have alleged that bin Laden and al Qaeda were beneficiaries of CIA assistance. This is challenged by experts such as Coll—who notes that declassified CIA records and interviews with CIA officers do not support such claims—and Peter Bergen, who argues: "The theory that bin Laden was created by the CIA is invariably advanced as an axiom with no supporting evidence."BOOK, Coll, Steve, Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001, Penguin, 2004, 9781594200076, 87, If the CIA did have contact with bin Laden during the 1980s and subsequently covered it up, it has so far done an excellent job., BOOK, Bergen, Peter, The Osama bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of al Qaeda's Leader, Simon and Schuster, 2006, 9780743295925, 60–61, Bergen insists that U.S. funding went to the Afghan mujahideen, not the Arab volunteers who arrived to assist them.However, Sir Martin Ewans noted that the Afghan Arabs "benefited indirectly from the CIA's funding, through the ISI and resistance organizations,"WEB,weblink Conflict in Afghanistan: Studies in Asymetric Warfare, Martin, Ewans, 1 December 2004, Routledge, 11 March 2018, Google Books, and that "it has been reckoned that as many as 35,000 'Arab-Afghans' may have received military training in Pakistan at an estimated cost of $800 million in the years up to and including 1988."WEB,weblink Afghanistan - A New History, Sir Martin, Ewans, Martin, Ewans, 5 September 2013, Routledge, 11 March 2018, Google Books, Some of the CIA's greatest Afghan beneficiaries were Arabist commanders such as Haqqani and Hekmatyar who were key allies of bin Laden over many years.Anand Gopal, et al, "Taliban in North Waziristan" in Talibanistan: Negotiating the Borders Between Terror, Politics, and Religion, Peter Bergen, Katherine Tiedemann eds, p.132-142WEB,weblink The Haqqani History: Bin Ladin's Advocate Inside the Taliban,, 11 March 2018, Haqqani—one of bin Laden's closest associates in the 1980s—received direct cash payments from CIA agents, without the mediation of the ISI. This independent source of funding gave Haqqani disproportionate influence over the mujahideen. Haqqani and his network played an important role in the formation and growth of al Qaeda, with Jalalhuddin Haqqani allowing bin Laden to train mujahideen volunteers in Haqqani territory and build extensive infrastructure there.WEB,weblink Haqqani Network - Mapping Militant Organizations, Daniel, Cassman,, 11 March 2018,

See also


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